On Scope Asymmetries in Fragments
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Merchant (2004) analyzes fragmentary utterances as movement of remnant fragments followed by PF-deletion of the full-fledged sentential structures. Scoping asymmetries in Korean fragments seem to be problematic in this analysis. However, reinterpretation of interface conditions at PF provides an elegant account for the apparent puzzles. We claim that interface-strategies may rescue representational violations (Merchant 2001), and phase-edge movements that are purely triggered by EPP have unique property in that they do not allow reconstruction in contrast to movements for formal feature checking. We point out that like locative inversion in English, phase-edge movement to Spec-F in Korean is not feature checking movement such as Case or phi-feature valuation. Hence, scope freezing is also observed in Korean fragments, and the apparent scope asymmetries can be explained, retaining PF-deletion approach to Korean fragments.
Abstract
Merchant (2004) analyzes fragmentary utterances as movement of remnant fragments followed by PF-deletion of the full-fledged sentential structures. Scoping asymmetries in Korean fragments seem to be problematic in this analysis. However, reinterpretation of interface conditions at PF provides an elegant account for the apparent puzzles. We claim that interface-strategies may rescue representational violations (Merchant 2001), and phase-edge movements that are purely triggered by EPP have unique property in that they do not allow reconstruction in contrast to movements for formal feature checking. We point out that like locative inversion in English, phase-edge movement to Spec-F in Korean is not feature checking movement such as Case or phi-feature valuation. Hence, scope freezing is also observed in Korean fragments, and the apparent scope asymmetries can be explained, retaining PF-deletion approach to Korean fragments.
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