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Island Sensitivity in Ellipsis and Its Implications for Movement

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It is well known that island violations are ameliorated in English sluicing. Merchant (2001) argues that ellipsis at PF can repair island violations and thus the amelioration effect arises. However, matrix sluicing in Korean is island-sensitive. This paper argues that the island sensitivity arises because the wh-phrase in this environment does not move to CP in overt syntax. This results in a violation of Parallelism (Fiengo and May 1994, Fox and Lasnik 2003). The proposed analysis also accounts for the contrast between matrix sluicing and fragment answers in Korean with respect to island sensitivity.

Abstract

It is well known that island violations are ameliorated in English sluicing. Merchant (2001) argues that ellipsis at PF can repair island violations and thus the amelioration effect arises. However, matrix sluicing in Korean is island-sensitive. This paper argues that the island sensitivity arises because the wh-phrase in this environment does not move to CP in overt syntax. This results in a violation of Parallelism (Fiengo and May 1994, Fox and Lasnik 2003). The proposed analysis also accounts for the contrast between matrix sluicing and fragment answers in Korean with respect to island sensitivity.

참고문헌 (43)

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