The Syntax-Semantics Interface of Pair-list Interpretation in Wh-wh Constructions and Their Sluicing Counterparts
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This paper examines the contrast between Wh-island and Superiority violations under Sluicing. As first reported by Merchant (2001), the former can be repaired by ellipsis, but the latter cannot be. We argue that this contrast follows from the fact that the wh-phrase crossing a wh-island leaves behind an individual variable, but the wh-phrase violating the Superiority condition leaves a functional variable. This contrast between two types of wh-phrase can be understood on a par with referential and non-referential wh-expressions or their corresponding different types of trace (cf. Rizzi (1990)). Following Chomsky (1995), the wh-expression leaving behind an individual variable forms an operator variable chain, deleting its intermediate chain links, which accounts for the lack of Wh-island effects under Sluicing. By contrast, the wh-expression leaving behind a functional variable preserves its local chain links at LF. Therefore, if the latter crosses another wh-phrase, it leaves behind a star marked trace that survives at LF, leading to the crash of the derivation involved, either under Sluicing or non-ellipsis structural contexts.
Abstract
This paper examines the contrast between Wh-island and Superiority violations under Sluicing. As first reported by Merchant (2001), the former can be repaired by ellipsis, but the latter cannot be. We argue that this contrast follows from the fact that the wh-phrase crossing a wh-island leaves behind an individual variable, but the wh-phrase violating the Superiority condition leaves a functional variable. This contrast between two types of wh-phrase can be understood on a par with referential and non-referential wh-expressions or their corresponding different types of trace (cf. Rizzi (1990)). Following Chomsky (1995), the wh-expression leaving behind an individual variable forms an operator variable chain, deleting its intermediate chain links, which accounts for the lack of Wh-island effects under Sluicing. By contrast, the wh-expression leaving behind a functional variable preserves its local chain links at LF. Therefore, if the latter crosses another wh-phrase, it leaves behind a star marked trace that survives at LF, leading to the crash of the derivation involved, either under Sluicing or non-ellipsis structural contexts.
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