Superiority Effects in Multiple Wh-Questions
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This paper will argue that the Superiority Effects can vary from language to language according to the feature types of the interrogative C that each language chooses. It will be shown that the Superiority Effects are confined to the interrogative C with the [Wh]-feature only allowing a single specifier. It will be argued that wh-movement takes place for the reason of scope in constructions with the Superiority Effects, along with the assumption that the wh-phrase occupying [Spec,C] can be a probe and a scope-marker in multiple wh-questions.
Abstract
This paper will argue that the Superiority Effects can vary from language to language according to the feature types of the interrogative C that each language chooses. It will be shown that the Superiority Effects are confined to the interrogative C with the [Wh]-feature only allowing a single specifier. It will be argued that wh-movement takes place for the reason of scope in constructions with the Superiority Effects, along with the assumption that the wh-phrase occupying [Spec,C] can be a probe and a scope-marker in multiple wh-questions.
참고문헌 (25)
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