Multiple Wh-Constructions: A Principled Explanation for the Puzzled Phenomena
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In order to solve the parametrically puzzled phenomena of multiple wh-constructions, this paper argues that the syntactic properties of multiple wh-constructions can vary according to the three feature types of interrogative C that the languages make a choice based on Multiple Agree. Two types on C which is relevant to wh-movements are [Wh]-feature and [focus]-feature, and the other type of C that is related to wh-in-situ is [force]-feature. It is shown as well that superiority effects are confined to the C with the wh-feature, along with the assumption that the C with [focus]-feature and [force]-feature is free from the superiority effects.
Abstract
In order to solve the parametrically puzzled phenomena of multiple wh-constructions, this paper argues that the syntactic properties of multiple wh-constructions can vary according to the three feature types of interrogative C that the languages make a choice based on Multiple Agree. Two types on C which is relevant to wh-movements are [Wh]-feature and [focus]-feature, and the other type of C that is related to wh-in-situ is [force]-feature. It is shown as well that superiority effects are confined to the C with the wh-feature, along with the assumption that the C with [focus]-feature and [force]-feature is free from the superiority effects.
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