-{ㄹ/을}-를 수반하는 종결어미들의 어휘적 속성
Some lexical properties of sentence-ending markers with -(u)l-
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In this paper, I examine some sentence-ending markers (= Xs) accompanied with the morpheme -(u)l- ('will') that is ambiguous between non-epistemic will (will1) and epistemic will (will2): -(u)l-lay, -(u)l-kka, -(u)l-kel, etc. Based on empirical data, I try to show that they have the following lexical properties/informations: (a) the person feature information of the subject they allow (b) the speech act information they trigger, (c) their selectional property in relation to whether they select will1 or will2, and (d) their lexical property in relation to whether they trigger the opposite polarity readings, which I call nPOS/nNEG (= nominal positive/negative) readings following Choe (2015). During the discussion, I suggest the following two descriptive generalizations: (I) will2, but not will1, can come with the tense morpheme -(e)ss-, and (II) Xs that come with will2 allow any person (1st, 2nd, or 3rd person) subject while Xs that come with will1 may not (probably for lexical/semantic reasons). I also provide evidence in favor of the following generalizations suggested in Choe (2015): (A) Declarative Xs as well as interrogative Xs can trigger nPOS/nNEG readings, and (B) an X with the feature [Speaker's Denial] triggers nPOS/nNEG readings when it is in the same clause as POS/NEG.
Abstract
In this paper, I examine some sentence-ending markers (= Xs) accompanied with the morpheme -(u)l- ('will') that is ambiguous between non-epistemic will (will1) and epistemic will (will2): -(u)l-lay, -(u)l-kka, -(u)l-kel, etc. Based on empirical data, I try to show that they have the following lexical properties/informations: (a) the person feature information of the subject they allow (b) the speech act information they trigger, (c) their selectional property in relation to whether they select will1 or will2, and (d) their lexical property in relation to whether they trigger the opposite polarity readings, which I call nPOS/nNEG (= nominal positive/negative) readings following Choe (2015). During the discussion, I suggest the following two descriptive generalizations: (I) will2, but not will1, can come with the tense morpheme -(e)ss-, and (II) Xs that come with will2 allow any person (1st, 2nd, or 3rd person) subject while Xs that come with will1 may not (probably for lexical/semantic reasons). I also provide evidence in favor of the following generalizations suggested in Choe (2015): (A) Declarative Xs as well as interrogative Xs can trigger nPOS/nNEG readings, and (B) an X with the feature [Speaker's Denial] triggers nPOS/nNEG readings when it is in the same clause as POS/NEG.
참고문헌 (13)
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