문장종결어미의 내포 가능성과 화행 투사범주
Embeddability of Sentence End Particles in Korean and Speech Act Projections
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This paper discusses how Korean sentence end particles could be dealt with from the perspective of the layered speech act structure in which the speaker-related head sa and the addressee-related head SA are projected on the top of CP. Korean sentence end particles have usually been classified into three categories: addressee honorification markers, clause type markers, and mood markers. We argue in this paper that (i) the illocutionary-force-related feature [+/- interrogation], whose the phonetic realization is a rising or falling intonation, is generated in the implicit performative predicate SA; (ii) addressee honorification markers appear in SA as a result of Spec-head agreement between SA and a vocative phrase in its Spec; (iii) clause type markers, which are not utterance indicators in principle, are generated in CP and selected by the feature [+/- interrogation] in SA; (iv) mood markers like “-kwun”, while generated in CP, must be considered as an utterance indicator because of their lexical property that the attitude towards the proposition should be that of the speaker. With respect to the embeddability of the aforementioned markers, we assume that an utterance cannot be embedded in another one, and claim that this assumption accounts for why most of the sentence end particles like addressee honorification markers, mood markers, and portmanteau clause type markers, cannot be embedded within a subordinate clause, but the pure clause type markers, ta, nya, la, ca, can.
Abstract
This paper discusses how Korean sentence end particles could be dealt with from the perspective of the layered speech act structure in which the speaker-related head sa and the addressee-related head SA are projected on the top of CP. Korean sentence end particles have usually been classified into three categories: addressee honorification markers, clause type markers, and mood markers. We argue in this paper that (i) the illocutionary-force-related feature [+/- interrogation], whose the phonetic realization is a rising or falling intonation, is generated in the implicit performative predicate SA; (ii) addressee honorification markers appear in SA as a result of Spec-head agreement between SA and a vocative phrase in its Spec; (iii) clause type markers, which are not utterance indicators in principle, are generated in CP and selected by the feature [+/- interrogation] in SA; (iv) mood markers like “-kwun”, while generated in CP, must be considered as an utterance indicator because of their lexical property that the attitude towards the proposition should be that of the speaker. With respect to the embeddability of the aforementioned markers, we assume that an utterance cannot be embedded in another one, and claim that this assumption accounts for why most of the sentence end particles like addressee honorification markers, mood markers, and portmanteau clause type markers, cannot be embedded within a subordinate clause, but the pure clause type markers, ta, nya, la, ca, can.
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