화자부인(話者否認)자질과 가부정(假否定)간의 국소성관계에 대하여
On a Locality Relation between the Feature [Ds] and nNEG
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Choe (2015a) suggests that while the negative marker -ci {an-h/ani-ha}- or an(i) can make a clause negative, it can also make a clause non-negative when the sentence-ending marker (= X) bears a lexical feature [Ds] (=[Speaker's Denial]), whose function is to deny the value of the feature [negative] of the negative marker. In Choe 2015a, when the negative marker loses the value of the feature [negative] that it has, it is called nNEG, while it does not, it is called NEG. In this paper, assuming the suggestion in Choe 2015a, I suggest the following: First, nNEG and NEG are lexically different (see also D-S. Kim 1981), and nNEG is defective in that its feature value should be denied by the feature [Ds] in order for it to be properly licensed. Second, X[Ds] can license nNEG across T and/or will, but not across (i) nNEG/NEG or focus markers such as "-to('even')" and "-(n)un" (contrastive focus marker), or (ii) aspectual elements or modal elements other than will (-keyss- or -(u)l-). The second suggestion implies that the licensing relation between X[Ds] and nNEG should be local in a certain sense, and as for the reason why the relation should be local, I suggest/speculate that the locality relation is derived because of the following reason: In Korean obeying the head movement constraint (the HMC), nNEG (a head) should move to the element with the feature [Ds] (i.e. X[Ds]) to be properly licensed, just as the nNEG element (= n't) in English should move to C via head movement.
Abstract
Choe (2015a) suggests that while the negative marker -ci {an-h/ani-ha}- or an(i) can make a clause negative, it can also make a clause non-negative when the sentence-ending marker (= X) bears a lexical feature [Ds] (=[Speaker's Denial]), whose function is to deny the value of the feature [negative] of the negative marker. In Choe 2015a, when the negative marker loses the value of the feature [negative] that it has, it is called nNEG, while it does not, it is called NEG. In this paper, assuming the suggestion in Choe 2015a, I suggest the following: First, nNEG and NEG are lexically different (see also D-S. Kim 1981), and nNEG is defective in that its feature value should be denied by the feature [Ds] in order for it to be properly licensed. Second, X[Ds] can license nNEG across T and/or will, but not across (i) nNEG/NEG or focus markers such as "-to('even')" and "-(n)un" (contrastive focus marker), or (ii) aspectual elements or modal elements other than will (-keyss- or -(u)l-). The second suggestion implies that the licensing relation between X[Ds] and nNEG should be local in a certain sense, and as for the reason why the relation should be local, I suggest/speculate that the locality relation is derived because of the following reason: In Korean obeying the head movement constraint (the HMC), nNEG (a head) should move to the element with the feature [Ds] (i.e. X[Ds]) to be properly licensed, just as the nNEG element (= n't) in English should move to C via head movement.
참고문헌 (9)
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