페미니즘 정치학, 역사적 시간, 그리고 인종적 차이: 미국 제2물결 페미니즘의 사례를 중심으로
Feminist Politics, Historical Time, and Racial Difference: The Case of U.S. Second Wave Feminism
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이 논문의 목적은 페미니즘 정치학과 역사적 시간성 그리고 인종적 차이 간의 관계에 대한 비판적 논의를 배경으로 하여 미국 제2물결 페미니즘에서 형성된 여성의 ‘진보’ 및 ‘해방’의 정치학을 현재적으로 재독해하는데 있다. 먼저 첫 번째 장에서는 페미니즘 정치학과 서구근대의 역사적 시간성에 관한 이론적 논의를 줄리아 크리스테바와 가야트리 스피박을 통해 전개한다. 크리스테바의 성적 차이의 정치학은 서구근대의 역사적 시간성에 대항하는 급진적 이질성을 담지하지만 중국여성이라는 비서구 주체와의 대면에서는 인종주의적 한계를 노출하게 된다. 이러한 사례는 서구 제2물결 페미니즘 정치학이 인종정치학과 맺는 어렵고 복잡한 관계를 보여준다. 첫 번째 장에서의 논의를 기반으로 하여 두 번째 장에서는 미국 제2물결 페미니즘 정치학에서 나타나는 인종정치학의 위상을 각각 자유주의 페미니즘, 급진주의 페미니즘, 그리고 문화주의 페미니즘의 대표적인 텍스트들인 베티 프리단의 『여성의 신비』, 슐라미스 파이어스톤의 『성의 변증법』, 그리고 문화주의 페미니스트 선언문 “제4세계 선언”을 통해 탐색한다. 이상의 이론적 작업과 페미니즘의 고전 다시 읽기를 통해 연구자는 페미니즘 정치학이 역사적 시간성과 맺는 관계를 탐색하는 한편, 이를 인종정치학적 입장에서 비판적으로 문제화한다. 궁극적으로 연구자는 이 논문을 통하여 페미니즘 정치학의 시간성이 젠더정치학에 의해 완전히 소진될 수 없으며, 인종정치학과 계급정치학 등과의 상호작용 속에서 구성된다는 점을 보여주고자 하였다.
Abstract
This essay brings critical attention to the difficult relations among feminist politics, historical time, and racial differences. As I examine the case of Julia Kristeva and her theory of sexual difference through and with the help of postcolonial feminist scholar Gayatri Spivak, I came to argue that U.S. Second Wave feminist politics of women’s liberation and progress encounters their epistemic limits when they are applied to non-western subject such as the Chinese women. Building upon this critical reading of Kristeva’s radical feminist politics, I carry out a critical reading of those classic U.S. Second Wave feminist writings such as The Feminine Mystique by Betty Friedan, The Dialectic of Sex by Shulamith Firestone and “The Fourth World Manifesto” written by a local cultural feminist group that critically responded to the call for the Indo-Chinese Women’s Conference of 1971. Each text, I show, constructs and utilizes narratives of women’s progress and liberation as they explain the cause of women’s oppression and the paths to alternative futures. In so doing, they also make critical intervention with the discourse of western modernity and its linear and totalistic temporality. And yet, liberal feminism, radical feminism, and cultural feminism from U.S. Second Wave Feminism all fall short of the intersectional politics which argues for mutually constitutive and simultaneous constitution of racial politics and gender politics. Liberal feminist adoption of race-sex analogy renders race and gender in alternate and exchangeable terms and in so doing suppresses the qualitative differences between race and gender. Radical feminism treats racism and colonialism as an extension of sexism. Cultural feminism moves to claim that women are colonized by male culture. Radical feminism and cultural feminism, accordingly, renders racial, national and cultural differences irrelevant to feminist politics. In conclusion, I suggest that intersectional politics helps us to critically deconstruct the temporal politics of U.S. Second Wave Feminist narratives of women’s liberation and progress, as it problematizes the linear unity of ‘women’ and ‘feminist history.’
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