티베트 貴族의 혼인문화
The Marriage Culture of Tibetan Noble Families
0
조회
0
다운로드
0
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
The following three aspects will help in understanding the power and the truth of how Tibetan society has maintained its unity of religion and politics until modern times. The first aspect is the Dalai Lama, the head of the unity of religion and politics, and high-ranking monks who are close to the Dalai Lama. The second aspect is the Buddhist temples that hold strong influence in designing and constructing Tibetan politics and religious culture. The third aspect is the power bloc of Tibetan noble families. However, the Tibetan society before 1951 was formed of the ruling class comprised of three types of lords, including government officials of the feudal local government, the nobles, and the highranking lamas of Buddhist temples. Their population accounted for only 5% of the total population. Among them, the aristocracy was the actual power group that created Tibetan culture and politics, and took the lead in economy. Historically, the Tibetan aristocracy formed four types of classes. The first class was the Yabshi family. They were called “Golden aristocrats” and consisted of the parents of the Dalai Lama and the family of the Panchen Lama. The second class was the Depon family. This family, the most influential group in Tibetan noble society, was traditional and authoritative, and passes power to blood-related descendants. The third class was the midak family. This family used to dominate ministers of the Tibetan local government and actively pushed forward marriage among similar families to maintain families’ stability and status. At the time, this marriage culture affected other noble classes, except for the Yabshi family, and led to the universal sentiment that recognizes the politicization of marriage. Lastly, although they were ordinary nobles, they were small self-made families that accumulated economic wealth by their own efforts and entered into the world of nobles. This article analyzes the noble families’ marriage forms,values, and marriage purposes. The analysis reveals that the marriage of then-noble families was highly political by highlighting the difference from the marriage culture of common peasants and serfs in Tibet, and considers the social background at the time to see reasons for the politicization of the marriage.
Abstract
The following three aspects will help in understanding the power and the truth of how Tibetan society has maintained its unity of religion and politics until modern times. The first aspect is the Dalai Lama, the head of the unity of religion and politics, and high-ranking monks who are close to the Dalai Lama. The second aspect is the Buddhist temples that hold strong influence in designing and constructing Tibetan politics and religious culture. The third aspect is the power bloc of Tibetan noble families. However, the Tibetan society before 1951 was formed of the ruling class comprised of three types of lords, including government officials of the feudal local government, the nobles, and the highranking lamas of Buddhist temples. Their population accounted for only 5% of the total population. Among them, the aristocracy was the actual power group that created Tibetan culture and politics, and took the lead in economy. Historically, the Tibetan aristocracy formed four types of classes. The first class was the Yabshi family. They were called “Golden aristocrats” and consisted of the parents of the Dalai Lama and the family of the Panchen Lama. The second class was the Depon family. This family, the most influential group in Tibetan noble society, was traditional and authoritative, and passes power to blood-related descendants. The third class was the midak family. This family used to dominate ministers of the Tibetan local government and actively pushed forward marriage among similar families to maintain families’ stability and status. At the time, this marriage culture affected other noble classes, except for the Yabshi family, and led to the universal sentiment that recognizes the politicization of marriage. Lastly, although they were ordinary nobles, they were small self-made families that accumulated economic wealth by their own efforts and entered into the world of nobles. This article analyzes the noble families’ marriage forms,values, and marriage purposes. The analysis reveals that the marriage of then-noble families was highly political by highlighting the difference from the marriage culture of common peasants and serfs in Tibet, and considers the social background at the time to see reasons for the politicization of the marriage.
참고문헌 (29)
- 심혁주, "티베트의 활불제도-신을 만드는 사람들" (2010), 서강대학교 출판부
- 홍병혜, "티벳 전통의 혼인유형 분석과 군혼문화의 형성배경", 중국학연구, 28(28), pp.215~244 (2004), 중국학연구회
- 達瓦次仁, "西藏封建農奴制硏究論文選" (1991), 中國藏學出版社
- 普布覺活佛洛桑楚臣强巴嘉措, "十二世達賴傳" (2006), 中國藏學出版社
- 普布覺活佛洛桑楚臣强巴嘉措, "十三世達賴喇嘛傳" (2006), 中國藏學出版社
- 馮智, "八世達賴喇嘛傳" (2006), 中國藏學出版社
- 舒介勛, "藏族史論文集" (1988), 四川人民出版社
- 牙含章, "試論西藏封建農奴制度", 中國藏學, 1 (1988)
- 劉忠, "試析西藏農努制庄園的殘存形態", 民族學硏究, 5 (1983)
- 劉忠, "論淸代領主等級制度的形成", 中國藏學, 4 (1990)
- 劉忠, "西藏封建農奴制硏究論文選" (1991), 中國藏學出版社
- 林冠群, "唐代吐蕃歷史與文化論集" (2007), 中國藏學出版社
- 章嘉, "七世達賴喇嘛傳" (2006), 中國藏學出版社
- 張江華, "試論西藏封建農努制度的基本類型", 民族硏究 (1989)
- 中國藏學硏究中心社會經濟硏究所, "西藏家庭四十年變遷-西藏百戶家庭調查報告" (1996), 中國藏學出版社
- 中根千枝, "西藏的貴族" (1996), 西藏人民出版社
- 陳慶英, "藏族部落制度硏究" (2002), 中國藏學出版社
- 陳慶英, "歷輩達賴喇嘛生平形象歷史" (2006), 中國藏學出版社
- 陳慶英, "西藏山南窮結家族", 民族學報, 20 (2007), 國立政治大學
- 陳小强, "試析吐蕃王朝社會結構, In 藏學硏究論叢" (1995), 西藏人民出版社
- 次仁央宗, "試論西藏貴族家庭", 中國藏學, 1 (1997)
- 次仁央宗, "帕拉庄園朗生的今昔", 西藏硏究, 7 (1998)
- 次仁央宗, "帕拉家族及其庄園", 中國藏學, 2 (1999)
- 次仁央宗, "西藏貴族世家: 1900~1951" (2006), 中國藏學出版社
- 皮德羅, "西藏的土地與政體" (1985), 拉薩出版社
- 畢達克, "西藏的貴族和政府: 1728~1959" (2008), 中國藏學出版社
- Goldstein, M. C, "Taxation and the structure of a Tibetan Village", 中亞雜志, 15 (1971)
- Goldstein, M. C, "Serfdom and nobility: an examination of the institution of “human lease” in traditional Tibetan society", 亞洲硏究雜志(J. As. St ), 30 (1971)
- Tsering Yangdzom, "The Aristocratic Families In Tibetan History1900~1951" (2006), China Intercontinental Press
