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87 노사관계체제: 평가와 미래

The 87 Labor Relations Regime in Korea: Problems and Solutions

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본 논문은 1987년 민주화운동으로 형성된 87 노사관계체제의 특징과 문제점을 게임이론과 자본주의 다양성 이론 관점에서 국제비교연구를 활용해 분석한다. 87 노사관계체제는 경제민주화에 힘입어 노동기본권을 확대했지만, 대기업 중심의 전투적 노동운동에 눌리고 법 만능주의에 빠져 노사정의 신뢰 축적에 실패했고, 노동시장 이중구조와 중산층의 붕괴를 일으켰다. 87 노사관계체제는 노동시장의 경직화와 노동계중심의 노동 정치로 특징 지워지고, 이는 기술, 경제, 인구변화 등에 대한 인식과대응능력을 떨어뜨렸지만, 정책 협상 무대를 기울어지게 만들어 중소기업과 비정규직근로자의 취약성을 키웠다. 개방경제의 특성상 고용보호법 강화와 이에 의존한 고용안정성은 경제와 제도의 비대칭을 키울 수밖에 없기에 87 노사관계체제는 유지하기어렵다. 고용이 유연하면서도 안정된 노사관계체제로 전환하려면 정부의 역할부터바꾸어 노사자치주의 확립과 분권화를 통해 노사정의 신뢰 기반을 강화하고, 노동법중심에서 벗어나 노동시장 정책 중심으로 노동 개혁을 해야 한다. 정부는 민주주의원리에 따라 절대다수인 취약 근로자의 이익을 대변해 정책 협상 무대를 평평하게만들고, 헌법정신에 따라 개인과 기업이 자유와 창의를 발휘하고, 노동조합도 사회적책임을 다하도록 노사관계체제를 재편해야 한다.

Abstract

This paper investigates the features and problems of the 87 labor relation regime shaped by the democratic movement in 1987 in Korea applying both game theory and variety of capitalism theory and using literature on labor relations. It shows that even though the regime has expanded labor basic labor right due to economic democracy, it has made contradiction as labor market has become dual and middle class has shrunk. It has been led by the militant labor movement of monopolistic large enterprises workers so as to prevent tripartite parties from shaping trust and cooperation and rather put them in legalistic conflict. It is characterized by labor market rigidity as well as labor politics which has lowered consciousness of and responsiveness to technology changes, globalization and ageing, which has made policy arena skewed against small and medium enterprises and irregular workers. It is hard to be sustained as it does not match open economy in that fortified employment protection laws have raised gap between economic environment and institutions. In order to make the 87 labor relation regime replaced with new one with both flexible and stable employment, the government should change its existing roles toward expanding autonomy and decentralization and put emphasis on the reform of labor market policies rather than that of labor laws. It should make policy bargaining arena flat for the regime to work for the majority of workers as the principle of democracy and change labor laws for labor and management to build up trust and cooperation as well as for labor unions to be balanced with right and social responsibility as the Korea Constitution demands.

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