Ku as a Demonstrative
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In this paper, we argue, in support of the revised version on Principle A, that demonstrative binding is possible if one or the other occurrence of the third person is put forth as if it were a demonstrative. We contend that Principle A must be understood as a condition of demonstrative binding in Korean, thereby suggesting that Principle B does not regulate demonstrative binding. Under Higginbotham’s (1992) proposal, whereby demonstratives can stand apart from the disjointness conditions, Principle B functions so as to exclude the possibility of common reference. The central idea of our analysis, however, is that in the case of Korean demonstrative binding, Principle A functions so as to include the possibility of common reference. Even if two elements have the same coindex, one cannot determine that they have the same value without the speaker’s intention. We present evidence from the previous approaches that kare ‘he’ and ku ‘he’ cannot be bound by a quantifier irrespective of domains. However, the previous approaches are undermined by the fact that Principle A restricts demonstrative binding in Korean. The crucial evidence against the previous approaches is based on the observation that the demonstrative ku ‘he’ admits a bound variable reading and that Principle A constrains demonstrative binding through common reference arising from the speaker’s intention. In conclusion, while variable binding and demonstrative variable binding seem to be considered as having the same semantic relations, the latter is not claimed to be subject to Principle B.
Abstract
In this paper, we argue, in support of the revised version on Principle A, that demonstrative binding is possible if one or the other occurrence of the third person is put forth as if it were a demonstrative. We contend that Principle A must be understood as a condition of demonstrative binding in Korean, thereby suggesting that Principle B does not regulate demonstrative binding. Under Higginbotham’s (1992) proposal, whereby demonstratives can stand apart from the disjointness conditions, Principle B functions so as to exclude the possibility of common reference. The central idea of our analysis, however, is that in the case of Korean demonstrative binding, Principle A functions so as to include the possibility of common reference. Even if two elements have the same coindex, one cannot determine that they have the same value without the speaker’s intention. We present evidence from the previous approaches that kare ‘he’ and ku ‘he’ cannot be bound by a quantifier irrespective of domains. However, the previous approaches are undermined by the fact that Principle A restricts demonstrative binding in Korean. The crucial evidence against the previous approaches is based on the observation that the demonstrative ku ‘he’ admits a bound variable reading and that Principle A constrains demonstrative binding through common reference arising from the speaker’s intention. In conclusion, while variable binding and demonstrative variable binding seem to be considered as having the same semantic relations, the latter is not claimed to be subject to Principle B.
참고문헌 (19)
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