Pronouns, Reflexives, and Sloppy Identity
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The goal of this paper is to capture the behavior of pronouns and reflexives based on sloppy identity. One major point of surface anaphora in Korean is that Korean pronouns, unlike English pronouns, cannot give rise to the strict/sloppy ambiguity. An interesting property of the Korean overt pronoun ku ‘he’ is that it can never induce the sloppy reading, due to the same restriction prohibiting a bound variable interpretation, unlike English pronouns. This, in turn, suggests that the Korean overt pronoun kunye ‘she’ cannot also exhibit the sloppy reading, unlike English pronouns. This asymmetry between English and Korean may be accounted for by assuming that the quantificational force applies to English with regard to sloppy identity, while it cannot apply to Korean. Another central idea of this paper is that Korean reflexives share common properties with English reflexives with regard to the obligation of the sloppy reading, but ku-casin ‘he-self’ may constitute further support for its pronominal status. That is, it may give rise to the strict/sloppy ambiguity under VP ellipsis, regardless of local binding and non-local binding. It is worth mentioning that deep anaphora in Korean admits the strict/sloppy ambiguity. A demonstrative may in general be understood as a context of copying or as a context of anaphora. Under copying, sentences which include a demonstrative behave like the comparable VP-deletion structure, regardless of locality, whereas under a context of anaphora, deep anaphora gives rise to the strict reading without a linguistic antecedent.
Abstract
The goal of this paper is to capture the behavior of pronouns and reflexives based on sloppy identity. One major point of surface anaphora in Korean is that Korean pronouns, unlike English pronouns, cannot give rise to the strict/sloppy ambiguity. An interesting property of the Korean overt pronoun ku ‘he’ is that it can never induce the sloppy reading, due to the same restriction prohibiting a bound variable interpretation, unlike English pronouns. This, in turn, suggests that the Korean overt pronoun kunye ‘she’ cannot also exhibit the sloppy reading, unlike English pronouns. This asymmetry between English and Korean may be accounted for by assuming that the quantificational force applies to English with regard to sloppy identity, while it cannot apply to Korean. Another central idea of this paper is that Korean reflexives share common properties with English reflexives with regard to the obligation of the sloppy reading, but ku-casin ‘he-self’ may constitute further support for its pronominal status. That is, it may give rise to the strict/sloppy ambiguity under VP ellipsis, regardless of local binding and non-local binding. It is worth mentioning that deep anaphora in Korean admits the strict/sloppy ambiguity. A demonstrative may in general be understood as a context of copying or as a context of anaphora. Under copying, sentences which include a demonstrative behave like the comparable VP-deletion structure, regardless of locality, whereas under a context of anaphora, deep anaphora gives rise to the strict reading without a linguistic antecedent.
참고문헌 (20)
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