A Study on υP Derivations in English
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This paper is to show υP derivations, focusing on transitive verb and its complement Object NP checking within the Agree-based system. The standard assumption is that Object NP moves to [Spec, υP] and agreement and Case checking occurs in head υ and its specifier Object NP. However, I propose as in the following. V has an EPP feature, which induces an overt Object movement to [Spec, VP]. The category V does not check agreement. When υ is merged, it needs V to satisfy its affixal feature. Then V is adjoined to υ. υ checks its agreement features with the Object NP in head and specifier of head’s complement. Following Pesetsky (1989, 1995)’s Earliness Principle, no other stipulation is needed and υP derivations are automatically derived.
Abstract
This paper is to show υP derivations, focusing on transitive verb and its complement Object NP checking within the Agree-based system. The standard assumption is that Object NP moves to [Spec, υP] and agreement and Case checking occurs in head υ and its specifier Object NP. However, I propose as in the following. V has an EPP feature, which induces an overt Object movement to [Spec, VP]. The category V does not check agreement. When υ is merged, it needs V to satisfy its affixal feature. Then V is adjoined to υ. υ checks its agreement features with the Object NP in head and specifier of head’s complement. Following Pesetsky (1989, 1995)’s Earliness Principle, no other stipulation is needed and υP derivations are automatically derived.
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