A Study on the Derivations of English Tensed Clauses
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This paper shows the derivations of English tensed clauses, focusing on T in ordinary finite clauses and to-infinitive clauses, within the agreement based framework (Chomsky 1998, 1999). This paper argues against the standard assumptions that T in English is either [+tense, +agr] or [-tense, -agr], all Ts have the EPP feature, and agreement occurs in a uniformed head and its specifier configuration. Modifying Stowell(1982) and Martin(1996, 1999), among others, this paper proposes that T is [+tense, +agr] in ordinary finite clauses, [+tense, -agr] in for-NP-to and PRO infinitive clauses, and [-tense, -agr] in ECM infinitive clauses. Only [+tense] T induces an overt NP movement to its specifier position, indicated as [+tense]EPP. Asymmetrical agreement configuration differs depending on when [+agr] with unvalued features merges in the course of derivations. In ordinary clauses, agreement configuration is in head and its specifier because T is both [+tense]EPP and [+agr]. Overt NP movement to [Spec, TP] and agreement occur simultaneously. However, in all other to-infinitive clauses, agreement is in head and specifier of its complement because tense and agreement features are split. This paper tries to explain νP ellipsis, some wh-questions, and adjacency constraint.
Abstract
This paper shows the derivations of English tensed clauses, focusing on T in ordinary finite clauses and to-infinitive clauses, within the agreement based framework (Chomsky 1998, 1999). This paper argues against the standard assumptions that T in English is either [+tense, +agr] or [-tense, -agr], all Ts have the EPP feature, and agreement occurs in a uniformed head and its specifier configuration. Modifying Stowell(1982) and Martin(1996, 1999), among others, this paper proposes that T is [+tense, +agr] in ordinary finite clauses, [+tense, -agr] in for-NP-to and PRO infinitive clauses, and [-tense, -agr] in ECM infinitive clauses. Only [+tense] T induces an overt NP movement to its specifier position, indicated as [+tense]EPP. Asymmetrical agreement configuration differs depending on when [+agr] with unvalued features merges in the course of derivations. In ordinary clauses, agreement configuration is in head and its specifier because T is both [+tense]EPP and [+agr]. Overt NP movement to [Spec, TP] and agreement occur simultaneously. However, in all other to-infinitive clauses, agreement is in head and specifier of its complement because tense and agreement features are split. This paper tries to explain νP ellipsis, some wh-questions, and adjacency constraint.
참고문헌 (21)
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