1930년대 함흥부회와 전주부회의 구성과 활동

Abstract

The images of the local politics seen through the operation of the Hamhung and Jeonju parliaments show clear conflicts between the local government and the Japanese Government General of Joseon rather than between Joseon people and Japanese. This is due to the fact that Hamhung and Jeonju were traditional cities and compare to the cities that had grown with the wealth of the early period of Japanese colonial times, the Japanese societies in Hamhung and Jeonju were relatively small, and that the Korean capital and the political and social forces were strong. In these regions, it is relatively easy for the Korean lawmakers to represent the interests of the Koreans, who make up most of the residents, compared to other regions. However, there was not much where their will was carried out in a limited environment that was not actually an autonomous institution. In most cases, it was to the extent that they confirmed the policies that were presented in advance by Myeon, Eup municipal and provincial authorities. Nonetheless, the reason they wanted to advance to the Parliament included the intention to consolidate their socio-economic positions within their region, with the hope that they can play a role in communicating the will of the local people to the authorities. In the 1920s, it was mainly a small number of influential people in both Hamhung and Jeonju district parliament, and since 1930s, new and younger people who do not have government experiences from various occupations had advanced to the parliament. Although it was limited, unlike 1920s, the resolutions were recognized in the 1930s, so more active discussions took place compared to the perfunctory parliament of 1920s. As local youth activists and Shinganhoe activists poured out their remarks during the meetings, the center of the discussion agenda was gradually shifted to the facilities related issues of social policies. They raised a lot of questions about the stability of life below the middle class level. Their criticism of the government also made certain brakes for the regional parliament from becoming the same perfunctory organizations. However, it is also possible to assess that the fact that the councils and municipalities have been changed into resolution making institutes made them hope and led them to overestimate the authority of the councils. They demanded a “real” local autonomy that realizes “ideal” government administration throughout the 1930s, but that conflicted with the line drawn by the Japanese Government General of Joseon, which was impossible from the start. It is also seen that the attempt to intervene with hopes of realizing “public interest” in the institutions created by the Japanese imperialists was expected to be unrealistic from the start.