Against the Vacuous Movement Hypothesis
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The goal of this paper is to prove that the Vacuous Movement Hypothesis (VMH) is not acceptable. Many scholars have claimed for the VMH to account for some phenomena concerning subject-object asymmetries, that-trace effects, and parasitic gap constructions. This paper illustrates that the VMH is problematic in both conceptual and empirical grounds. A new analysis is suggested in order to account for all the examples provided for the VMH. This paper assumes that an interrogative C has an edge feature requiring its specifier to be filled by a wh-phrase or an empty operator. Since the Superiority Condition works among the constituents of the relevant kind and overt wh-phrases and empty operators are different in kind, either one can be attracted by an edge feature. It implies that an interrogative subject can remain in-situ if another constituent can move to CP-Spec, attracted by the edge feature of C. If there is only one wh-phrase for occupying CP-Spec, the wh-phrase has to move to CP-Spec for the satisfaction of the edge feature whether it is a subject or a non-subject.
Abstract
The goal of this paper is to prove that the Vacuous Movement Hypothesis (VMH) is not acceptable. Many scholars have claimed for the VMH to account for some phenomena concerning subject-object asymmetries, that-trace effects, and parasitic gap constructions. This paper illustrates that the VMH is problematic in both conceptual and empirical grounds. A new analysis is suggested in order to account for all the examples provided for the VMH. This paper assumes that an interrogative C has an edge feature requiring its specifier to be filled by a wh-phrase or an empty operator. Since the Superiority Condition works among the constituents of the relevant kind and overt wh-phrases and empty operators are different in kind, either one can be attracted by an edge feature. It implies that an interrogative subject can remain in-situ if another constituent can move to CP-Spec, attracted by the edge feature of C. If there is only one wh-phrase for occupying CP-Spec, the wh-phrase has to move to CP-Spec for the satisfaction of the edge feature whether it is a subject or a non-subject.
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