Deriving Multiple Sluicing in Korean
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This paper examines and compares sluicing in Korean, English, and SC, and attempts to show how it is derived. In particular, it is argued that in contrast to sluicing in English, sluicing in Korean involves movement of wh-phrase to Focus Projection located between CP and IP, followed by IP-ellipsis. To show this, the paper takes into an account multiple sluicing constructions in SC and Korean. It is also shown that with the assumption that wh-phrases in Korean do not move to CP in overt syntax, we can account for some contrasts found in these language with respect to, for example, the presence/absence of Superiority effects observed in these languages.
Abstract
This paper examines and compares sluicing in Korean, English, and SC, and attempts to show how it is derived. In particular, it is argued that in contrast to sluicing in English, sluicing in Korean involves movement of wh-phrase to Focus Projection located between CP and IP, followed by IP-ellipsis. To show this, the paper takes into an account multiple sluicing constructions in SC and Korean. It is also shown that with the assumption that wh-phrases in Korean do not move to CP in overt syntax, we can account for some contrasts found in these language with respect to, for example, the presence/absence of Superiority effects observed in these languages.
참고문헌 (36)
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