The Inherent Passive Verb Mek ‘to eat’ Incompatible with Suppletion in the Kkeyse-Marked Subject Context
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초록
The application of the subject honorific suppletive verb capswu ‘eat' realized with the honorific morpheme si which appears due to the feature [+HON] on T at overt syntax provides an empirical domain for idioms in Korean since they interact with a few independent syntactic and morphological processes. The [+HON] feature of the honorific nominative marker kkeyse mandatorily triggers agreement on the verb. The null passive morpheme ∅PASS on v prevents the suppletion of capswu ‘eat’ since it intervenes between the inherent passive verb mek ‘eat’ and the honorific morpheme si ‘HON’. Further, the feature [+PASS] on v requires the presence of a zero phonological exponent during the stage of vocabulary insertion within the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993). Hence, not capswu-∅PASS-si ‘eat-PASS- HON' but mek-∅PASS-usi ‘eat-PASS-HON’ is realized when honorification is required for the inherent passive verb mek.
Abstract
The application of the subject honorific suppletive verb capswu ‘eat' realized with the honorific morpheme si which appears due to the feature [+HON] on T at overt syntax provides an empirical domain for idioms in Korean since they interact with a few independent syntactic and morphological processes. The [+HON] feature of the honorific nominative marker kkeyse mandatorily triggers agreement on the verb. The null passive morpheme ∅PASS on v prevents the suppletion of capswu ‘eat’ since it intervenes between the inherent passive verb mek ‘eat’ and the honorific morpheme si ‘HON’. Further, the feature [+PASS] on v requires the presence of a zero phonological exponent during the stage of vocabulary insertion within the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993). Hence, not capswu-∅PASS-si ‘eat-PASS- HON' but mek-∅PASS-usi ‘eat-PASS-HON’ is realized when honorification is required for the inherent passive verb mek.
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