Suppletion in Serial Verb Constructions
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Within the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993), the trigger and target of suppletion interact in one way or another so as to condition allomorphy. By means of scrutinizing the precise motivation as well as the prevention of suppletive allomorphy, numerous approaches have been suggested and adopted in previous literature. Among various theoretical lenses currently available, this paper employs a structural account of viewing suppletion. In doing so, it explores the (in)applicability of suppletive passivization, negation, and honorification in Korean and further investigates the locality conditioning necessary for the trigger and target of suppletion residing within multiple verb constructions in Korean. Depending on whether the locality conditioning is satisfied or not from a morphosyntactic point of view, the (un)availability of suppletive allomorphy follows predictably. For empirical verifications on the theoretical generalization to be put forward, the alternations between, ttayli ‘to hit’ ↔ mac ‘to be hit’, al ‘to know’ ↔ molu ‘to not know’, and mek ‘to eat’ ↔ capswu ‘to eat.HON’ are examined.
Abstract
Within the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993), the trigger and target of suppletion interact in one way or another so as to condition allomorphy. By means of scrutinizing the precise motivation as well as the prevention of suppletive allomorphy, numerous approaches have been suggested and adopted in previous literature. Among various theoretical lenses currently available, this paper employs a structural account of viewing suppletion. In doing so, it explores the (in)applicability of suppletive passivization, negation, and honorification in Korean and further investigates the locality conditioning necessary for the trigger and target of suppletion residing within multiple verb constructions in Korean. Depending on whether the locality conditioning is satisfied or not from a morphosyntactic point of view, the (un)availability of suppletive allomorphy follows predictably. For empirical verifications on the theoretical generalization to be put forward, the alternations between, ttayli ‘to hit’ ↔ mac ‘to be hit’, al ‘to know’ ↔ molu ‘to not know’, and mek ‘to eat’ ↔ capswu ‘to eat.HON’ are examined.
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