A Principled Explanation on the Quantifier Scope Phenomena
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초록
The purpose of this study is to present a principled explanatory alternative mechanism for the scope puzzling phenomena in the quantifier constructions. For this, Multiple Agree (Chomsky 2001; Hiraiwa 2000), Phase (Chomsky 1998, 1999), Phase higher evaluation (Chomsky 1999), Feature-inheritance from Phase (Chomsky 2005, 2013, 2014), INT (Chomsky 1999, 2001) and semantic Duality of the Interface (Boeckx 2008; Chomsky 2005; Grohmann 2003; Kim 2018) are adopted. In addition, [±D]-feature is posited on the basis of the interpretation of θ–domain. By using this system, the DOC construction, the counterexample to Hornstein’s (1995, 1999) A-movement for Case-checking account, the counterexample to Fox’s (1995, 2000) Scope Economy account, and the bi-clausal quantifier sentence are solved. Not only that, the c-command and Fox’s (2000) Revised Modularity Hypothesis are also explained in a natural manner. (Keimyung University)
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to present a principled explanatory alternative mechanism for the scope puzzling phenomena in the quantifier constructions. For this, Multiple Agree (Chomsky 2001; Hiraiwa 2000), Phase (Chomsky 1998, 1999), Phase higher evaluation (Chomsky 1999), Feature-inheritance from Phase (Chomsky 2005, 2013, 2014), INT (Chomsky 1999, 2001) and semantic Duality of the Interface (Boeckx 2008; Chomsky 2005; Grohmann 2003; Kim 2018) are adopted. In addition, [±D]-feature is posited on the basis of the interpretation of θ–domain. By using this system, the DOC construction, the counterexample to Hornstein’s (1995, 1999) A-movement for Case-checking account, the counterexample to Fox’s (1995, 2000) Scope Economy account, and the bi-clausal quantifier sentence are solved. Not only that, the c-command and Fox’s (2000) Revised Modularity Hypothesis are also explained in a natural manner. (Keimyung University)
참고문헌 (28)
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