Deriving the derived environment constraint in non-derivational phonology
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Abstract
A challenge to optimality theory has been to find motivated mechanisms that will impose general grammatical limitations equivalent to those uncovered in derivational frameworks. Proponents of optimality theory have struggled in particular to accommodate predictions of the Derived Environment Constraint (Kiparsky 1973), a widely tested principle that is shown here to play a key role in the staged development of contrasts in second language phonology. The paper concludes that the most straightforward implementation of the Derived Environment Constraint within optimality theory is the approach of Y. Cho (2002), which is to introduce a top-ranked “Lexical Faithfulness” constraint (FAITH-LEX) to the effect that optimal candidates may deviate from their input representations just in case these are not also lexical representations. Yet without explicit incorporation of the notion of contrast to limit FAITH-LEX to structure-preserving domains, the optimality theory rendition of the Derived Environment Constraint remains empirically inadequate. A solution lies in the “No Specification” (*SPEC) proposal for lexicon optimization recently advanced by J. Kim (2002): Redundant features must be absent in the underlying representation.
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