Two sides of the same coin: an account of the dual phonetic realisation of obstruent clusters in Korean
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Normally, obstruent sequences generated by suffixation undergo tensification (e.g./kaphta/ [kapt’a]). In the phonological literature, an alternative form is noted optionally, in Seoul dialect and child speech, an [ɨ] appears between two obstruents in a cluster (e.g. /kaphta/ [kaphɨta]). The mainstream approach has treated these two processes independently in terms of two separate rules in the non-linear framework or re-ranking of constraints in OT. This paper, however, argues that the two phenomena are phonologically motivated by the failure of a governing relation being established between two obstruents in underlying representations. These two types of phonetic realisations can then be captured by separate modes of morpheme concatenation. Specifically, the failure of the governing relations requires a repair strategy to modify the ill-formed sequence into a phonotactically permitted one. In terms of morpheme concatenation, while tensification is invoked in an analytic structure, in which the morphological boundary is transparent on the one hand, the insertion of [ɨ] between the obstruents is treated as a non-analytic structure, in which the morpheme boundary is ignored on the other. In this way, the different surface manifestations of obstruents sequences constitute two sides of the same coin in the sense that they are induced by the requirements of one and the same principle.
Abstract
Normally, obstruent sequences generated by suffixation undergo tensification (e.g./kaphta/ [kapt’a]). In the phonological literature, an alternative form is noted optionally, in Seoul dialect and child speech, an [ɨ] appears between two obstruents in a cluster (e.g. /kaphta/ [kaphɨta]). The mainstream approach has treated these two processes independently in terms of two separate rules in the non-linear framework or re-ranking of constraints in OT. This paper, however, argues that the two phenomena are phonologically motivated by the failure of a governing relation being established between two obstruents in underlying representations. These two types of phonetic realisations can then be captured by separate modes of morpheme concatenation. Specifically, the failure of the governing relations requires a repair strategy to modify the ill-formed sequence into a phonotactically permitted one. In terms of morpheme concatenation, while tensification is invoked in an analytic structure, in which the morphological boundary is transparent on the one hand, the insertion of [ɨ] between the obstruents is treated as a non-analytic structure, in which the morpheme boundary is ignored on the other. In this way, the different surface manifestations of obstruents sequences constitute two sides of the same coin in the sense that they are induced by the requirements of one and the same principle.
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