Universal and morpheme-specific constraints for allomorphy selection
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Two constraints are proposed in this paper to account for phonologically conditioned suppletive allomorphy found in natural languages. One is a universal constraint, DEFAULT, which favors the phonologically simplest allomorph when higher markedness constraints are not at issue. The other is an allomorph-specific distribution constraint, ALLODIST, which imposes bidirectional requirements between a particular allomorph and its environments. Given these constraints, partially-optimizing selection is the result of DEFAULT dominating some relevant markedness constraints, and non-optimizing selection is due to the work of ALLODIST that dominates relevant markedness constraints and DEFAULT. The proposal in this paper obviates separate processes or components for different allomorphy types and presents a consistent and natural explanation to allomorph alternations.
Abstract
Two constraints are proposed in this paper to account for phonologically conditioned suppletive allomorphy found in natural languages. One is a universal constraint, DEFAULT, which favors the phonologically simplest allomorph when higher markedness constraints are not at issue. The other is an allomorph-specific distribution constraint, ALLODIST, which imposes bidirectional requirements between a particular allomorph and its environments. Given these constraints, partially-optimizing selection is the result of DEFAULT dominating some relevant markedness constraints, and non-optimizing selection is due to the work of ALLODIST that dominates relevant markedness constraints and DEFAULT. The proposal in this paper obviates separate processes or components for different allomorphy types and presents a consistent and natural explanation to allomorph alternations.
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