한국어 이중 관계 대명사 구문의 제약 조건 연구
Double Relativization out of Non-Subject Positions in Korean
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한국어에서 이중 관계 대명사절은 허용되지만 제약이 따른다. 이중 관계대명사 구문의 수용성을 결정하는 여러 요인 중 가장 기본적인 것은 필자가 Yoon (2011)에서 주어 조건이라고 부른 문법기능과 관련된 제약인데 이에 따르면 (i) 주어만이 이중 관계 대명사화 할 수 있고 (ii) 이중 관계 대명사화 현상은 주어를 수식하는 관계 대명사로부터만 가능하다. 필자는 이 논문에서 이 중 두 번째 조건이 타당한지 그리고 왜 그런 제약이 성립하는지를 연구한다. 필자의 주장은 한국어 이중 관계 대명사화 현상이 주어를 수식하는 관계 대명사절로부터 좀 더 쉽게 일어나긴 하지만 반드시 그런 것은 아니며 이러한 제약이 언어처리 때문에 일어난다는 것이다. 이 논문에서 논의되는 또 다른 관련 주제는 한국어 이중 관계 대명사화 구문이 섬 제약 현상에 관한 통사적 접근법에 제기하는 문제인데 필자는 섬 제약 현상이 언어 처리 측면에서 가장 잘 설명될 수 있다고 제안한다.
Abstract
Although double relativization, i.e., relativization out of another relative clause, is possible in Korean, it is not without restrictions. Among various restrictions determining the acceptability of double relative constructions, what is most basic is the GF-related restrictions which I dubbed as the Subject Condition in Yoon (2011). According to this condition, (i) only the subject can undergo DR in Korean and (ii) DR in Korean is possible only from relative clauses modifying subjects. In this paper, I examine the second clause of this condition. I discuss if it really is a valid restriction and why such a restriction should hold. As for the first question, I show that although DR in Korean certainly seems easier from relative clauses modifying subjects, it is not impossible from relative clauses modifying non-subjects. Concerning the second question, I claim that this restriction holds for processing reasons. What is also discussed is the problems DRCs in Korean pose to the syntactic approach to island effects. I suggest that the best way to deal with them is to give up the syntactic approach to island effects and assume that the so-called island effects have a processing nature.
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