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Abstract

The purpose of this paper is to find out the properties of Sino-Korean suffixals ― ‘-byeol(別), -san(産), -saeng(生), -si(視), -yeon(然), -yong(用), -jeok(的), -haeng(行), -hwa(化)’, which have been found in category changes of bases. According to the scrutinization, they can be broadly sorted into two groups: one that allows the original bases to be able to combine with ‘-hada(하다)’ or ‘-doeda(되다)’, and the other that restricts the distribution of the original bases. To be specific, ‘-hwa(化), -si(視), -yeon(然)’ belong to the former, whereas ‘-byeol(別), -yong(用), -san(産), -saeng(生), -haeng(行), -jeok(的)’ belong to the latter. It is discovered that ‘-hwa(化), -si(視), -yeon(然)’, combined with non-predicative nouns, change a base into a verbal noun or a verbal root, which makes them change the pattern of combination with ‘-hada(하다)’ or ‘-doeda(되다)’. On the other hand, ‘-byeol(別), -yong(用), -san(産), -saeng(生), -haeng(行)’ by nature semantically require two arguments, therefore they cause the restriction on the distribution of a base. ‘-jeok(的)’, however, changes a base into an adjectional noun. Furthermore, it is revealed that the range of the combinations by ‘-si(視), -yeon(然), -byeol(別), -yong(用), -san(産), -saeng(生), -haeng(行), -jeok(的)’ has been extended into phrasal structures so that they could not help but undergo degrammaticalization.