A Study of the Derivation of Relative Clauses: Focusing on Case-Assignment and Co-indexing

Abstract

This paper aims to provide a new account for the derivation of relative clauses. Under the traditional framework, relative clauses are the result of two major operations: base-generation and movement of a relative pronoun and merge of an antecedent DP with the relative clausal CP. This study reveals that this line of approach is vulnerable to issues such as the number checking of the relative CP-internal verb and co-indexing of anaphors. This study also shows that the above two issues cannot be accounted for without the violation of PIC and Binding Principle A. As discussed in the paper, a nominative relative pronoun which is based-generated cannot check the number feature of a relative CP-internal verb and co-index with anaphors. To address these issues, this study proposes that a relative clause is derived by the movement of the antecedent. This study also argues that the antecedent which moves to the edge of the relative clause after its base-generation, checks the number feature of the relative CP’s internal verb and co-indexes with anaphors consecutively. Lastly, from German data, this study suggests that the antecedent receive Case from the matrix clause, not from any constituent of the relative clause in English.