Phonological Implication of [r]-intrusion in Non-rhotic English
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This study provides an explicit analysis of [r]-intrusion found in Non-rhotic English. The process brings some challenging aspects, given that only [r], instead of other segments, intrudes between vowels where the precedent vowels are among [ə, ɔ, ɑ]. For this reason, many works as in Vennemann (1972), McCarthy (1993), Harris (1994), and Gick (1999) regard the process as synchronically unnatural diachronic process. On the other hand, Ortmann (1999), Baković (2000a), Orgun (2001), Uffmann (2003, 2007), and among others, assume that [r]-intrusion can be dealt with synchronically natural and predictable process. Especially, Ortmann (1999) and Baković (2000a) argue that [r]-intrusion is a kind of glide-insertion. Adopting their idea, the present study accounts for the phenomenon by employing AGREE constraint. Furthermore, our analysis makes it possible to predict other kinds of glide-insertion that does not have [r]-insertion, as in Korean and Japanese.
Abstract
This study provides an explicit analysis of [r]-intrusion found in Non-rhotic English. The process brings some challenging aspects, given that only [r], instead of other segments, intrudes between vowels where the precedent vowels are among [ə, ɔ, ɑ]. For this reason, many works as in Vennemann (1972), McCarthy (1993), Harris (1994), and Gick (1999) regard the process as synchronically unnatural diachronic process. On the other hand, Ortmann (1999), Baković (2000a), Orgun (2001), Uffmann (2003, 2007), and among others, assume that [r]-intrusion can be dealt with synchronically natural and predictable process. Especially, Ortmann (1999) and Baković (2000a) argue that [r]-intrusion is a kind of glide-insertion. Adopting their idea, the present study accounts for the phenomenon by employing AGREE constraint. Furthermore, our analysis makes it possible to predict other kinds of glide-insertion that does not have [r]-insertion, as in Korean and Japanese.
참고문헌 (26)
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