Consonant Epenthesis in Vowel Hiatus in English : An OT Analysis with Agreement Constraints
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This study investigates vowel hiatus resolution in English, where consonant insertion is a common strategy for avoiding it. In particular, the insertion of either a glide or a glottal stop into the onset position is determined by whether the position is prominent or non-prominent. When the onset is in the stressed syllable, which has the lowest sonority requirement, a glottal stop is inserted to increase the contrast with the following vowel. On the other hand, a glide is inserted when the position is in a non-stressed syllable to minimize the contrast. As for glide insertion, a palatal [y] is inserted when the first vowel in the vowel sequence is a high front vowel, and a [w] is inserted when the vowel is a high back round vowel. However, when the first vowel is one of [ə], [ɔ], and [ɑ], which have the features [-high, -front], an intrusive [r] is inserted. This study is based on an OT analysis and the relevant constraints are Agree[F], which relates the first vowel to the inserted segment, and Onset-Cond, which is used to evaluate glottal stop epenthesis.
Abstract
This study investigates vowel hiatus resolution in English, where consonant insertion is a common strategy for avoiding it. In particular, the insertion of either a glide or a glottal stop into the onset position is determined by whether the position is prominent or non-prominent. When the onset is in the stressed syllable, which has the lowest sonority requirement, a glottal stop is inserted to increase the contrast with the following vowel. On the other hand, a glide is inserted when the position is in a non-stressed syllable to minimize the contrast. As for glide insertion, a palatal [y] is inserted when the first vowel in the vowel sequence is a high front vowel, and a [w] is inserted when the vowel is a high back round vowel. However, when the first vowel is one of [ə], [ɔ], and [ɑ], which have the features [-high, -front], an intrusive [r] is inserted. This study is based on an OT analysis and the relevant constraints are Agree[F], which relates the first vowel to the inserted segment, and Onset-Cond, which is used to evaluate glottal stop epenthesis.
참고문헌 (16)
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