헤게모니와 서발턴 민중 ―라나지트 구하의 ‘서발턴 연구’와 역사학(Ⅱ)―
Hegemony and Subaltern People ―Ranajit Guha’s ‘Subaltern Studies’ and Historiography (Ⅱ)―
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라나지트 구하는 그의 저서 『헤게모니 없는 지배』에서 그람시의 헤게모니 개념을 전용하여 인도에서의 영국의 식민 지배는 주로 강제에 의존한 지배였다는 점에서 헤게모니를 결여하고 있었고, 그렇기 때문에 식민적 권력관계는 영국에서만이 아니라 인도에서 유래하는 패러다임들에 의존하지 않을 수 없었다고 주장한다. 그에 따르면, 영국과 인도 양쪽에서 유래하는 패러다임들의 이중적 의미는 과잉결정의 효과들을 낳았고, 그 효과들은 식민 지배의 모순들과 엮이면서 인도에서의 지배/종속관계를 독특하게 구조화했다. 이러한 권력관계 하에서 인도의 서발턴 민중은 근대적 정치로서는 이해 불가능한 다르마적 저항의 정치를 보여주었으며, 이 저항의 정치가 인도의 역사 안에서 인도 부르주아 엘리트의 협력의 정치와 공존했다는 것이다. 민족주의 엘리트인 간디 역시 민족주의 운동을 이끌면서 서발턴 농민들로부터 헤게모니를 얻고자 했으나 결국 실패했다고 구하는 평가한다. 간디는 영국의 식민주의만이 아니라 서구의 근대성까지 공격하면서 영성의 정치를 강조했고 비폭력적인 민족주의 운동에 농민들을 동원하려 했으나, 서발턴 농민들은 간디가 설정한 정치적 한계를 넘어서 투쟁했다는 것이다. 간디가 이러한 농민들의 정치적 열기를 민족주의 운동의 틀 안에 묶어 두기 위해 규율을 강제한 것 자체가 엘리트 정치와 서발턴 정치의 모순의 징후였고, 민족주의자들이 서발턴 민중에 대해 헤게모니를 행사하지 못했다는 증거였다고 구하는 해석한다.
Abstract
Ranajit Guha, in his book Dominance without Hegemony, defines the character of the British colonial state in India as a dominance without hegemony, because it was impossible for that state to assimilate the civil society of the colonized people in India to itself. According to Guha, this paradox generated the fusion and overdetermination of two distinct paradigms, one of which was derived from the British political culture of the colonizers and the other from the precolonial political traditions of the colonized. The coalescence and divergence of two idioms from these two politico-cultural paradigms determined the tensions in the British rule of India. So, in the political culture of the colonial era in India, as Guha puts it, everything is an outcome of this process of overdetermination. And that outcome was a tissue of paradoxes, which pervaded the colonial relationship of power and defined the originality of the colonial politics in India. But, it was in the polity devoid of any notion of citizenship, Guha argues, that the subaltern people emerged. The values informing their resistances were charged with religiosity, which meant a legitimacy conforming to the ethics of Dharma far distanced from secular political morality. So, dharmic protests of the subaltern people were the most incalculable factors of politics under colonial rule and were manifested amply and explicitly in the history of colonial India. According to Guha, Gandhi was the first nationalist politician to recognize that it was needed for his campaigns to mobilize the mass and energy of the subaltern peasants. So, he wanted to regulate and discipline the crowds in order to elicit their obedience to him and his leadership. But the peasants brought to the nationalist campaigns remained in the politics of the subaltern domain, so that his disciplinary leadership could not control the subaltern peasants. This conflict between the elite and the subaltern domains of politics was symptomatic of the fact that Gandhi’s attempts in a bid to mobilize the energies of mass political movements for hegemonic dominance were finally failed.
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