Admirals in the First City of the Empire ―Navy, Culture and Politics in Pre-Radical Westminster―
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This paper investigates the cultural significance of the Georgian navy and metropolitan political culture with a peculiar attention to the Westminster elections. The City of Westminster was not only the centre of national politics as home to all central institutions of monarchy and government, but also the largest ‘open’ borough in the British Isles. Though historians have tended to associate this metropolitan constituency with radical reformism because of its huge, ungovernable electorate and the presence of prominent reform politicians like Charles James Fox and Sir Francis Burdett, such emphasis in the study of metropolitan politics has led to them overlooking another significant feature of Westminster political culture: famous naval heroes such as Rodney, Hood and Cochrane were continuously elected for this popular constituency in 1780-1818. This paper attempts to reveal the way in which the meaning of naval heroics was constructed and disseminated in electoral and popular politics of metropolitan London before 1807, but simultaneously considers the scope of popularity and ambiguity of admiral heroes. Admirals in pre-radical Westminster were not only recommended as ministerial candidates due to their relationship with royalty or the establishment. All of them also had high professional reputation for their heroic achievements against the American or the French, the Britain’s “otherness”. Their electoral success was often regarded as a national mark of honour and reward. Furthermore, several Westminster elections contingently coincided with the anniversaries of famous naval victories such as the battle of the Saints (1782) and the battle of the Glorious First of June (1794). It was a prominent site of naval commemoration as well as a site of negotiation and contest for naval heroism and patriotism in this period; each electoral campaign could become naval anniversary to construct their character as a national hero and a guardian of political liberty and the British empire, embellished by the attributes of sailorly sincerity, manliness and independence. It suggested the shift of naval patriotism from the cause of the opposition to the establishment in that period. Even if Westminster elections became a remarkable site for the commemoration of naval victories and the construction of naval heroics, however, the electoral business of admirals illustrated their ambiguity in the political world. Their connection with the government was regarded as a threat to the electoral independence of Westminster; metropolitan radicals like Burdett and William Cobbett considered that naval MPs endangered liberty and the national interest; even naval supporters decried that political business removed the necessary element of ‘Jack Tar’ from admiral heroes: they suffered from criticisms due to their posture as a political admiral that appeared to contradict the English/British national character. The arguments for admiral heroes as well as British tars remained ambiguous and contested in the City of Westminster.
Abstract
This paper investigates the cultural significance of the Georgian navy and metropolitan political culture with a peculiar attention to the Westminster elections. The City of Westminster was not only the centre of national politics as home to all central institutions of monarchy and government, but also the largest ‘open’ borough in the British Isles. Though historians have tended to associate this metropolitan constituency with radical reformism because of its huge, ungovernable electorate and the presence of prominent reform politicians like Charles James Fox and Sir Francis Burdett, such emphasis in the study of metropolitan politics has led to them overlooking another significant feature of Westminster political culture: famous naval heroes such as Rodney, Hood and Cochrane were continuously elected for this popular constituency in 1780-1818. This paper attempts to reveal the way in which the meaning of naval heroics was constructed and disseminated in electoral and popular politics of metropolitan London before 1807, but simultaneously considers the scope of popularity and ambiguity of admiral heroes. Admirals in pre-radical Westminster were not only recommended as ministerial candidates due to their relationship with royalty or the establishment. All of them also had high professional reputation for their heroic achievements against the American or the French, the Britain’s “otherness”. Their electoral success was often regarded as a national mark of honour and reward. Furthermore, several Westminster elections contingently coincided with the anniversaries of famous naval victories such as the battle of the Saints (1782) and the battle of the Glorious First of June (1794). It was a prominent site of naval commemoration as well as a site of negotiation and contest for naval heroism and patriotism in this period; each electoral campaign could become naval anniversary to construct their character as a national hero and a guardian of political liberty and the British empire, embellished by the attributes of sailorly sincerity, manliness and independence. It suggested the shift of naval patriotism from the cause of the opposition to the establishment in that period. Even if Westminster elections became a remarkable site for the commemoration of naval victories and the construction of naval heroics, however, the electoral business of admirals illustrated their ambiguity in the political world. Their connection with the government was regarded as a threat to the electoral independence of Westminster; metropolitan radicals like Burdett and William Cobbett considered that naval MPs endangered liberty and the national interest; even naval supporters decried that political business removed the necessary element of ‘Jack Tar’ from admiral heroes: they suffered from criticisms due to their posture as a political admiral that appeared to contradict the English/British national character. The arguments for admiral heroes as well as British tars remained ambiguous and contested in the City of Westminster.
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