다중의문사 의문문의 유형과 우위조건
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The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal, 16(4), 63-85. This paper is to study the correlation between the types of multiple wh-questions and Superiority Condition. Depending on the typology of wh-movement to [Spec, CP], multiple wh-questions can be classified into three types: (i) all wh-phrasal movement, (ii) only one wh-phrasal movement, and (iii) no wh-phrasal movement. These three types of multiple wh-questions are controversial as to whether each type observes Superiority Condition or not: firstly, Rumanian and Bulgarian in multiple wh-movement observe Superiority Condition, but Serbo-Croatian, Polish and Russian do not. Secondly, English in singular wh-movement observes it, but German does not. And finally, Chinese in zero wh-movement observes it, but Japanese does not. Many experimental studies of multiple wh-questions have been investigated, but they have been dealt with much of covert movement on the basis of various properties of C, in the light of Chomsky's (2001, 2005) framework in which any formal feature movement, as well as LF levels, is not assumed. If we accept the concept of various properties of C, a serious problem may arise whether the relation of C to multiple wh-phrases is one-to-one or one-to-many. In the paper, though we follow Hiraiwa's (2000) Multiple Agree, another problem can arise, especially the violation of PIC for observance of Superiority Condition. In addition, some problems of multiple wh-questions with Superiority Condition should remain unsolved when we follow Chomsky's (2001, 2005) recent theory, and we will show that it is not universal but parametric whether Superiority Condition among individual languages is observed or not.
Abstract
The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal, 16(4), 63-85. This paper is to study the correlation between the types of multiple wh-questions and Superiority Condition. Depending on the typology of wh-movement to [Spec, CP], multiple wh-questions can be classified into three types: (i) all wh-phrasal movement, (ii) only one wh-phrasal movement, and (iii) no wh-phrasal movement. These three types of multiple wh-questions are controversial as to whether each type observes Superiority Condition or not: firstly, Rumanian and Bulgarian in multiple wh-movement observe Superiority Condition, but Serbo-Croatian, Polish and Russian do not. Secondly, English in singular wh-movement observes it, but German does not. And finally, Chinese in zero wh-movement observes it, but Japanese does not. Many experimental studies of multiple wh-questions have been investigated, but they have been dealt with much of covert movement on the basis of various properties of C, in the light of Chomsky's (2001, 2005) framework in which any formal feature movement, as well as LF levels, is not assumed. If we accept the concept of various properties of C, a serious problem may arise whether the relation of C to multiple wh-phrases is one-to-one or one-to-many. In the paper, though we follow Hiraiwa's (2000) Multiple Agree, another problem can arise, especially the violation of PIC for observance of Superiority Condition. In addition, some problems of multiple wh-questions with Superiority Condition should remain unsolved when we follow Chomsky's (2001, 2005) recent theory, and we will show that it is not universal but parametric whether Superiority Condition among individual languages is observed or not.
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