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Multiple Wh-questions in English

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In GB framework, covert operations, such as covert raising of wh-in-situ and quantifier raising, had been postulated to explain such phenomena as ACD constructions or scope interactions between the scope bearing elements. However, the recent minimalist approaches may have no way of explaining them in the framework since there is no covert operations in narrow syntax. To solve the problems, I will propose such covert operations be reconsidered and that the wh-in-situ in English be raised overtly to the outer Spec of v*P to satisfy the EPP of v*P and further be raised beyond the position through DISL. By assuming this proposal, we can get several advantages to explain the nature of human languages. First, we reduce the computational burden raised in Chomsky's(2000, 2001) approach to wh-movement constructions. The object shift of wh-element to the outer Spec of v*P causes computational complexity in Chomsky's system since the raising of wh-element is triggered just by the observance of PIC. However, we have no difficulty raising wh-element to the outer Spec of v*P since wh-element must raise to satisfy the EPP of v*P. Second, we can capture the correct reading of multiple-wh-questions eliminating the asymmetry between overt wh-movement and wh-in-situ. Finally, we can derive the object shift property of wh-movement by assuming that the shifted element in the outer Spec of v*P further raises beyond the position through wh-movement or TH/EX.

Abstract

In GB framework, covert operations, such as covert raising of wh-in-situ and quantifier raising, had been postulated to explain such phenomena as ACD constructions or scope interactions between the scope bearing elements. However, the recent minimalist approaches may have no way of explaining them in the framework since there is no covert operations in narrow syntax. To solve the problems, I will propose such covert operations be reconsidered and that the wh-in-situ in English be raised overtly to the outer Spec of v*P to satisfy the EPP of v*P and further be raised beyond the position through DISL. By assuming this proposal, we can get several advantages to explain the nature of human languages. First, we reduce the computational burden raised in Chomsky's(2000, 2001) approach to wh-movement constructions. The object shift of wh-element to the outer Spec of v*P causes computational complexity in Chomsky's system since the raising of wh-element is triggered just by the observance of PIC. However, we have no difficulty raising wh-element to the outer Spec of v*P since wh-element must raise to satisfy the EPP of v*P. Second, we can capture the correct reading of multiple-wh-questions eliminating the asymmetry between overt wh-movement and wh-in-situ. Finally, we can derive the object shift property of wh-movement by assuming that the shifted element in the outer Spec of v*P further raises beyond the position through wh-movement or TH/EX.

참고문헌 (22)

  1. Baltin,M, "Do Antecedent-contained Deletions Exist", Linguistics Inquiry, 18, pp.579~595 (1987)
  2. Chomsky,N, "Lectures on Government and Binding" (1981), Foris Publications
  3. Chomsky,N, "Barriers" (1986), MIT Press
  4. Chomsky,N, "A Minimalist Program for Linguistic Theory in:The View From Building 20: Essays in Honor of Sylvain Bromberger", pp.1~52 (1993), MIT Press
  5. Chomsky,N, "Bare Phrase Structure", MIT Occasional Papers in Linguistics, (5) (1994)
  6. Chomsky,N, "The Minimalist Program" (1995), MIT Press
  7. Chomsky,N, "Minimalist Inquiries: The Framework:Step by Step: Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik" (2000), MIT Press
  8. Chomsky,N, "Derivation by Phase in:Ken Hale: A Life in Language", pp.1~52 (2001), MIT Press
  9. Chomsky,N, "On Phases" (2005), MIT
  10. Diesing,M, "Indefinites" (1992), MIT Press
  11. Fox,D, "Economy and Semantic Interpretation" (2000), MIT Press
  12. Fox,D, "Antecedent Contained Deletion and the Copy Theory of Movement" (2001), Harvard University
  13. Fox,D., "Extraposition and Scope: A Case for Overt QR", WCCFL, 18, pp.132~144 (1999)
  14. Hornstein,N, "An Argument for Minimalism: the Case of Antecedent- Contained Deletion", Linguistic Inquiry, 25, pp.455~480 (1994)
  15. Huang,C-T, "Logical Relations in Chinese and the Theory of Grammar", 박사, pp.1982
  16. Johnson,K, "How Far Will Quantifier Go:Step by Step: Papers on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik", pp.187~210 (2000), MIT Press
  17. Kennedy,C, "Antecedent-Contained Deletion and the Syntax of quantification", Linguistic Inquiry, 25, pp.662~668 (1997)
  18. Lebeaux,D, "Language Acquisition and the Form of the Grammar", 박사, pp.1988
  19. May,R, "Logical Form: Its Structure and Derivation" (1985), MIT Press
  20. Pesetsky,D, "Wh-in-situ: Movement and Unselective binding:The Representation of (In)definiteness", pp.98~129 (1987), MIT Press
  21. Pesetsky,D, "Phrasal Movement and Its Kin" (2000), MIT Press.
  22. Reinhart,T, "Wh-in-situ in the Framework of the Minimalist Program" (1993), Tel Aviv University

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