Duke-of-York 도출과 점진적 조화 증진성
The Duke-of-York Derivation and the Gradual Improvement of Harmony
3
조회
0
다운로드
0
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
The goal of this paper is to show that in the theory of Harmonic Serialism (HS) (McCarthy 2008a, b, 2010), no constraint-ranking produces the so-called Duke-of-York (DY) derivation (Pullum 1976). It is shown that the gradual improvement of harmony in the HS theory does not allow the DY derivation in the cases of a hypothetical language and Nootka, which have been treated as the results of DY derivation in Pullum’s rule-based analysis. It is also shown that the interaction between stress assignment and vowel-deletion in Bedouin Arabic is a result of metrically conditioned syncope without the DY derivation. This paper also compares the HS-based analysis with the analysis based on Stratal Optimality Theory where every derivational step may have a different configuration of constraint-ranking. Differently from Rubach’s (2003) SOT-based analysis, the HS-based analysis in this paper provides the agreement of backness in Polish with a DY-absent account within a single constraint-ranking system, where the grammar is not divided into lexical and post-lexical components and all the derivational steps have the same constraint-ranking configuration.
Abstract
The goal of this paper is to show that in the theory of Harmonic Serialism (HS) (McCarthy 2008a, b, 2010), no constraint-ranking produces the so-called Duke-of-York (DY) derivation (Pullum 1976). It is shown that the gradual improvement of harmony in the HS theory does not allow the DY derivation in the cases of a hypothetical language and Nootka, which have been treated as the results of DY derivation in Pullum’s rule-based analysis. It is also shown that the interaction between stress assignment and vowel-deletion in Bedouin Arabic is a result of metrically conditioned syncope without the DY derivation. This paper also compares the HS-based analysis with the analysis based on Stratal Optimality Theory where every derivational step may have a different configuration of constraint-ranking. Differently from Rubach’s (2003) SOT-based analysis, the HS-based analysis in this paper provides the agreement of backness in Polish with a DY-absent account within a single constraint-ranking system, where the grammar is not divided into lexical and post-lexical components and all the derivational steps have the same constraint-ranking configuration.
참고문헌 (17)
- Al-Mozainy, H., "Stress shift and metrical structure", Linguistic Inquiry, 16(1), pp.135~144 (1985)
- Gussmann, E., "Back to front: Non-linear palatalisation and vowels in Polish, In Phonological investigations", pp.5~66 (1992), John Benjamins Publishing Co
- Hayes, B., "Metrical stress theory: Principles and case Studies" (1995), The University of Chicago Press
- Kiparsky, P., "LP and OT. Handout" (1997), Handout, LSA Summer Linguistic Institute, Cornell University
- Kiparsky, P., "Opacity and cyclicity", The Linguistic Review, 17, pp.351~365 (2000)
- Mascaró, J., "External allomorphy as emergence of the unmarked, In Current trends in phonology: Models and methods", pp.473~483 (1996), European Studies Research Institute, University of Salford
- McCarthy, J., "Sympathy, cumulativity, and the Duke-of-York gambit, In The syllable in Optimality Theory", pp.23~76 (2003), Cambridge University Press
- McCarthy, J., "The gradual path to cluster simplification", Phonology, 25, pp.271~319 (2008)
- McCarthy, J., "The serial interaction of stress and syncope", Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 28, pp.499~546 (2008)
- McCarthy, J., "Harmonic serialism supplement to doing Optimality Theory", Unpublished manuscript, ~ (2010)
- McCarthy, J., "Prosodic morphology: Constraint interaction and satisfaction", Unpublished manuscript, ~ (1993)
- Prince, A., "Optimality Theory: Constraint interaction in generative grammar" (2004), Blackwell
- Pullum, G., "The Duke of York gambit", Journal of Linguistics, 12, pp.83~102 (1976)
- Rubach, J., "Glide and glottal stop insertion in Slavic Languages : A DOT analysis", Linguistic Inquiry, 31(2), pp.271~317 (2000)
- Rubach, J., "Duke-York derivations in Polish", Linguistic Inquiry, 34(4), pp.601~629 (2003)
- Selkirk, E., "The prosodic structure of function words, In University of Massachusetts occasional papers in linguistics", pp.439~470 (1995), GLSA
- Wolf, M., "Optimal interleaving: Serial phonology-morphology interaction in a constraint-based model", 박사, pp.2008