한국어의 /ㄹ/-탈락과 어휘적 명시 유표성제약
/ㄹ/-deletion in Korean and Lexically Indexed Markedness Constraint
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Harmonic Serialism (HS, McCarthy 2008a-c, 2009, forthcoming 1-2) is a version of classic Optimality Theory (OT, Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004), which combines a serial derivation with a constraint interaction. And HS's basic concepts consist of gradualness and harmonic improvement. In HS, an optimal output is reached by a series of derivational steps, which gradually improve harmony. If there is no gradualness and harmonic improvement from input to output, this mapping is impossible in HS, although it would be possible in OT. In this paper, we concretely introduce HS while comparing it with OT. And after applying HS and OT to Korean's /l/-deletion data and other phonological opacities, we point out limits to these theories. Finally to explain the Korean's /l/-deletion data within the framework of a rule-based theory, we introduce a lexically indexed markedness constraint into OT. By doing so, we show that a lexically indexed markedness constraint can explain the Korean's /l/-deletion data more persuasively than HS and OT ca
Abstract
Harmonic Serialism (HS, McCarthy 2008a-c, 2009, forthcoming 1-2) is a version of classic Optimality Theory (OT, Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004), which combines a serial derivation with a constraint interaction. And HS's basic concepts consist of gradualness and harmonic improvement. In HS, an optimal output is reached by a series of derivational steps, which gradually improve harmony. If there is no gradualness and harmonic improvement from input to output, this mapping is impossible in HS, although it would be possible in OT. In this paper, we concretely introduce HS while comparing it with OT. And after applying HS and OT to Korean's /l/-deletion data and other phonological opacities, we point out limits to these theories. Finally to explain the Korean's /l/-deletion data within the framework of a rule-based theory, we introduce a lexically indexed markedness constraint into OT. By doing so, we show that a lexically indexed markedness constraint can explain the Korean's /l/-deletion data more persuasively than HS and OT ca
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