On Multiple Cleft Constructions in Korean
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Multiple cleft constructions, where there are more than one focus elements in the pivot position, have received little attention in the generative literature on Korean, as opposed to Japanese. Only a few researchers (e.g., Cho et al., 2008; D. Chung, 2021) have explicitly acknowledged the availability of multiple clefts in Korean. This paper first argues that multiple clefts are allowed in Korean, albeit restrictively, and demonstrates that they can be licensed when being congruent to the most prominent Question under Discussion (QUD) in the discourse context. Then, we suggest that in the course of derivation in syntax, multiple pivots form a single constituent via Oblique Merge (OM), suggested by D. Chung, but it is further argued that there are two routes in which multiple foci are introduced into the derivation, depending on whether they are selected arguments or unselected adjuncts (cf. J.-I. Yeom, 2014; H.-K. Wee, 2015, 2016). As an extension, we propose that the application of OM is constrained by the Phase Impenerability Condition and Transfer (Chomsky 2000, 2001), which make it possible to derive the so-called Clausemate Condition for multiple foci in the construction.
Abstract
Multiple cleft constructions, where there are more than one focus elements in the pivot position, have received little attention in the generative literature on Korean, as opposed to Japanese. Only a few researchers (e.g., Cho et al., 2008; D. Chung, 2021) have explicitly acknowledged the availability of multiple clefts in Korean. This paper first argues that multiple clefts are allowed in Korean, albeit restrictively, and demonstrates that they can be licensed when being congruent to the most prominent Question under Discussion (QUD) in the discourse context. Then, we suggest that in the course of derivation in syntax, multiple pivots form a single constituent via Oblique Merge (OM), suggested by D. Chung, but it is further argued that there are two routes in which multiple foci are introduced into the derivation, depending on whether they are selected arguments or unselected adjuncts (cf. J.-I. Yeom, 2014; H.-K. Wee, 2015, 2016). As an extension, we propose that the application of OM is constrained by the Phase Impenerability Condition and Transfer (Chomsky 2000, 2001), which make it possible to derive the so-called Clausemate Condition for multiple foci in the construction.
참고문헌 (33)
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