淸初 徽州 ‘程朱闕里’ 文人들의 師友 관계와 考證禮學
Evidential Research of Lǐ(禮) and “Chéng Zhū Què lǐ(程朱闕里)” Literati’s Shīyǒu(師友) relations in Huīzhōu(徽州) during Early Qīng Period
0
조회
0
다운로드
3
인용
0
참고문헌
키워드
초록
Huīzhōu literati created a unique academic method of applying various other theories to study the Classics. Such study method attracted not only other literati’s attention, but that of the central government as well. This unique style soon became universal. This was due to the academic specialty they possessed, as well as the relationship between Chéng Zhū Learning(程朱學) and Evidential Research(考證學). In other word, Huīzhōu studies suggested the means to connect between Chéng Zhū Learning which was the national ideology and Evidential Research which was in fashion in literati society of the time. It was based on Huīzhōu’s culture to form the relationship. Huīzhōu’s nickname “Chéng Zhū Què lǐ(程朱闕里)” means the family hometown of èr-Chéng(二程) and Zhū Xī(朱熹). To people of Huīzhōu, Chéng Hào(程顥), Chéng Yí(程頤) and Zhū Xī were considered both as the founders of a theory and as the ancestors of the tribes. They not only aimed to learn and understand it, but wanted to inherit and improve the methods of three ancestors. In the traditional tribal society of Huīzhōu this represented both the scholarship and ancestral worship. Also, Huīzhōu’s tribal society was established and their identity was formed by this learning. Such awareness also influenced on evidential researchers of this area. Huīzhōu’s Evidential Research have stemmed out of Chéng Zhū Learning. In letters of Wāng Fú(汪紱) and Jiāng Yǒng(江永), they who began this branch considered Géwù(格物) as a starting point of all studies and succeeded Lǐ Learning(禮學) after Zhū Xī. Their final academic aim was to determine Lǐ(理). In these process, Jiāng Yǒng revealed relation among Lǐ(禮), Yuè(樂) and Astro-calendric Learning(曆學) through Temperament Learning(律學), Astronomic Learning(天文學) and Arithmetic Learning(算學) influenced by Western Learning and through Lesser Learning(小學) which includes graphonomy, phonology and philology. Huīzhōu Evidential Research with these characteristics began to spread out in earnest by the greatest scholar of the time, Dài Zhèn(戴震). During and after then, outsiders who admired its learning began to visit Huīzhōu. One of them, Zhū Yún as the Ānhuī Minister of Education visited Huīzhōu. He deified Huīzhōu evidential researchers’ masters, Jiāng Yǒng and Wāng Fú, next to Zhūzi at Zǐyáng Shūyuàn(紫陽書院), as well as to collect their books under the Emperor’s edict. After then, Wǎn school(皖派) or Huīzhōu Evidential Research along with the Evidential Research of Wú school(吳派) rivaled each other and gathered attention of many as the leaders of the Evidential Research. According to this, unlike the prevailing academic view that the Qīng dynasty’s Evidential Research began in opposition to Chéng Zhū Learning, Huīzhōu Evidential Research based on their ancestor’s studies, Chéng Zhū Learning, grew as the academic mainstream during Qīng period.
Abstract
Huīzhōu literati created a unique academic method of applying various other theories to study the Classics. Such study method attracted not only other literati’s attention, but that of the central government as well. This unique style soon became universal. This was due to the academic specialty they possessed, as well as the relationship between Chéng Zhū Learning(程朱學) and Evidential Research(考證學). In other word, Huīzhōu studies suggested the means to connect between Chéng Zhū Learning which was the national ideology and Evidential Research which was in fashion in literati society of the time. It was based on Huīzhōu’s culture to form the relationship. Huīzhōu’s nickname “Chéng Zhū Què lǐ(程朱闕里)” means the family hometown of èr-Chéng(二程) and Zhū Xī(朱熹). To people of Huīzhōu, Chéng Hào(程顥), Chéng Yí(程頤) and Zhū Xī were considered both as the founders of a theory and as the ancestors of the tribes. They not only aimed to learn and understand it, but wanted to inherit and improve the methods of three ancestors. In the traditional tribal society of Huīzhōu this represented both the scholarship and ancestral worship. Also, Huīzhōu’s tribal society was established and their identity was formed by this learning. Such awareness also influenced on evidential researchers of this area. Huīzhōu’s Evidential Research have stemmed out of Chéng Zhū Learning. In letters of Wāng Fú(汪紱) and Jiāng Yǒng(江永), they who began this branch considered Géwù(格物) as a starting point of all studies and succeeded Lǐ Learning(禮學) after Zhū Xī. Their final academic aim was to determine Lǐ(理). In these process, Jiāng Yǒng revealed relation among Lǐ(禮), Yuè(樂) and Astro-calendric Learning(曆學) through Temperament Learning(律學), Astronomic Learning(天文學) and Arithmetic Learning(算學) influenced by Western Learning and through Lesser Learning(小學) which includes graphonomy, phonology and philology. Huīzhōu Evidential Research with these characteristics began to spread out in earnest by the greatest scholar of the time, Dài Zhèn(戴震). During and after then, outsiders who admired its learning began to visit Huīzhōu. One of them, Zhū Yún as the Ānhuī Minister of Education visited Huīzhōu. He deified Huīzhōu evidential researchers’ masters, Jiāng Yǒng and Wāng Fú, next to Zhūzi at Zǐyáng Shūyuàn(紫陽書院), as well as to collect their books under the Emperor’s edict. After then, Wǎn school(皖派) or Huīzhōu Evidential Research along with the Evidential Research of Wú school(吳派) rivaled each other and gathered attention of many as the leaders of the Evidential Research. According to this, unlike the prevailing academic view that the Qīng dynasty’s Evidential Research began in opposition to Chéng Zhū Learning, Huīzhōu Evidential Research based on their ancestor’s studies, Chéng Zhū Learning, grew as the academic mainstream during Qīng period.
참고문헌 (87)
- "道光徽州府志", 道光 7年(1827) 刻本, ~
- "民國歙縣志", 民國 26年(1937) 刻本, ~
- "民國重修婺源縣志", 民國 14年(1925) 刻本, ~
- "道光休寧縣志", 道光 3年(1823) 刻本, ~
- "同治祁門縣志", 同治 12年(1873) 刻本, ~
- "嘉慶續溪縣志", 嘉慶 15年(1810) 刻本, ~
- "嘉慶․道光․同治․民國黟縣志", z嘉慶 17年(1812), 道光 5年(1825), 同治 10年(1871), 民國 12年(1923) 刻本, ~
- 傅 巖, "歙紀", 崇禎 12年(1639) 刻本, ~
- 施 璜, "紫陽書院志", 雍正 3年(1725) 刻本, ~
- 吳景賢, "安徽書院志", 學風, 2(4-8) (1932), 記載本
- "寄園寄所寄", 淸 刻本, ~
- 趙 滂, "程朱闕里志", 雍正 3年(1725) 刻本, ~
- 許承堯, "歙事閑譚", 民國 20年(1931) 刻本, ~
- "淸史稿", 民國 16年(1927) 刻本, ~
- "淸高宗實錄", 嘉慶 12年(1807) 刻本, ~
- "乾隆朝上諭檔", ~
- "四庫全書總目", 淸 乾隆 47年(1782) 刻本, ~
- "(續修)四庫全書總目", 民國 20年(1931) 刻本, ~
- "欽定學¾政全書", 淸 乾隆 39年(1774) 刻本, ~
- "歷代職官表", 淸 乾隆 48年(1783) 刻本, ~
- 凌廷堪, "校禮堂文集", 淸 嘉慶 18年(1813) 刻本, ~
- 段玉裁, "經韻樓集", 淸 嘉慶 19年(1814) 刻本, ~
- 戴 震, "戴震文集", 淸 乾隆 57年(1792) 刻本, ~
- 汪 紱, "雙池文集", 淸 道光 14年(1834) 刻本, ~
- 汪梧鳳, "松溪文集", 淸 刻本, ~
- 汪 中, "術學", 淸 嘉慶 20年(1815) 刻本, ~
- 王 昶, "春融堂集", 淸 嘉慶 12年 刻本, ~
- 姚 鼐, "惜抱軒全集", 淸 嘉慶 12年(1807) 刻本, ~
- 劉大櫆, "海峰文集", 淸 刻本, ~
- 錢大昕, "潛硏堂文集", 淸 嘉慶 11年(1806) 刻本, ~
- 程瑤田, "通藝錄", ~
- 鄭虎文, "吞松閣集", 淸 嘉慶 14年(1809) 刻本, ~
- 朱 筠, "笥河文集", 淸 嘉慶 20年(1815) 刻本, ~
- 薛貞芳, "淸代徽人年譜合刊" (2006), 合肥 黃山書社
- 江 永, "禮書綱目", 淸 刻本, ~
- 秦蕙田, "五禮通考", 淸 乾隆年間 刻本, ~
- 朱熹, "儀禮經傳通解", 宋嘉定年間 刻本, ~
- 江 藩, "國朝漢學Î師承記", ~
- 唐 鑑, "國朝學案小識", 淸 道光 25年(1845) 刻本, ~
- 錢 林, "文獻徵存錄", 咸豊 8年(1858) 刻本, ~
- 黃宗羲, "明儒學案", 淸 康熙 32年(1693) 刻本, ~
- 郭伯恭, "四庫全書纂修考", 民國 26年(1937) 刻本, ~
- 羅繼祖, "朱笥河先生年譜", 民國年間 刻本, ~
- 徐世昌, "淸儒學案", 民國 27年(1938) 刻本, ~
- 梁啓超, "淸代學術槪論", 民國 9年(1920) 刻本, ~
- 梁啓超, "中國近三百年學術史", 民國 18年(1929) 刻本, ~
- 章太炎, "檢論", 淸 光緖 26年(1900) 刻本, ~
- 錢 穆, "中國近三百年學術史", 民國 26年(1937) 刻本, ~
- 支偉成, "淸代樸學大師列傳", 民國 14年(1925) 刻本, ~
- "淸代碑傳全集", 民國 21年(1932) 刻本, ~
- 高炳翊, "東아시아文化史論考" (1997), 서울대학교 출판부
- 閔Y斗基, "中國近代史硏究-紳士層의 思想과 行動-" (1973), 一潮閣
- 朴元熇, "明淸徽州宗族史硏究" (2002), 지식산업사
- 성균관대학교 동아시아학술원, "사상과 문화로 읽는 동아시아" (2009), 성균관대학교 출판부
- 오금성, "명청시대 사회경제사" (2007), 이산
- 曺永祿, "中國 近世 知性의 理念과 運動" (2002), 지식산업사
- 임세권, "安東과 徽州문화 비교연구" (2005), 한국국학진흥원
- 강원묵, "康乾 시기 江南 乞", b> 문제와 ‘盛世’의 虛像, 2010, pp.111(111), 185~231[DOI]
- 구범진, "淸 嘉慶~道光初 兩淮鹽商 沒落의 原因", 동양사학연구, 107(107), pp.215~269 (2009), 동양사학회
- 권인용, "명말청초 휘주의 이갑제에 관한 연구", 박사, pp.2000
- 권택규, "淸代 北京 梨園會館의 설립과 변천", 명청사연구, 25(25), pp.383~409 (2006), 명청사학회
- 金相範, "地方祭祀體系와 民間信仰의 관계―唐代를 중심으로―", 중국사연구, 19, pp.73~110 (2002), 중국사학회
- 김선혜, "명대 휘주의 소송과 향촌조직에 관한 연구", 박사, pp.2003
- 김종박, "명청시기 “사상삼투(士商滲透)” 현상에 관한 연구", 역사학보, 205(205), pp.255~304 (2010), 역사학회
- 김종박, "明淸時期 揚州都市의 發達과 鹽商文化의 形成", 史叢, (67), pp.249~288 (2008), 역사학연구회
- 안대옥, "淸代 前期 西學 受容의 형식과 외연", 중국사연구, 65(65), pp.143~179 (2010), 중국사학회
- 이원석, "19世紀 전반 揚州學派의 學術觀 ― 汪喜孫의 實學的 通學 ―", 명청사연구, 29(29), pp.197~242 (2008), 명청사학회
- 이원석, "淸 中期 揚州學人의 實學思想과 日常文化 改變運動", 역사와 담론, (51), pp.143~184 (2008), 호서사학회
- 이윤석, "명청시대 강남도시 사묘의 사회사적 연구", 박사, pp.2003
- 李和承, "明․淸 傳統商人과 民間信仰", 明淸史硏究, 15 (2001), 명청사학회
- 李和承, "明․淸傳統商人區域化現象硏究", 박사, pp.1997
- 李和承, "연구동향: 明淸時代 中國傳統商人의 區域化現象硏究", 中國史硏究, 8 (2000)
- 鄭台燮, "明末淸初 經世學과 淸代 漢學의 內在的理路", 明淸史硏究, 6 (1997), 명청사학회
- 曺秉漢, "청대 중국의 실학과 고증학", 한국사시민강좌, 48 (2011), 일조각
- 曺秉漢, "淸 乾嘉朝 이래의 經世사조 부흥-考證學 융성기의 桐城 古文派와 常州 公羊學-", 명청사연구, 6 (1997), 명청사학회
- 曺秉漢, "乾嘉 考證學派의 체제통합이념과 漢․宋 折衷思潮-阮元․焦循․凌廷堪의 古學과 實學-", 명청사연구, 3 (1994), 명청사학회
- 曺秉漢, "18세기 揚州 紳․商 문화와 鄭板橋의 문화비판", 啓明史學, 4 (1993), 계명사학회
- 曺秉漢, "淸代 후기 常州 考證학계에서의 經世 사조 부흥", 東義史學, 7,8 (1993), 東義大學校史學會
- 曺秉漢, "淸代 後期 經世思想과 洋務論의 形成", 박사, pp.1992
- 曺秉漢, "淸 中期 八股科擧制下의 社會心理와 在野的 士人文化의 形成-『儒林外史』의 社會思想을 중심으로-", 釜山史學 (1987), 부산사학회
- 曺秉漢, "曾L國藩의 經世禮學Ð과 그 歷史的 機能V", 東亞文化, 15 (1978), 서울대학교동아문화연구소
- 조영헌, "대운하와 휘주상인 : 명말·청초 회·양 지역을 중심으로", 박사, pp.2006
- 차미경, "회관(會館) 연극의 형성과 공연 예술적 특성", 중국학보, 57(57), pp.99~117 (2008), 한국중국학회
- 차혜원, "18세기 淸朝의 지방관 현지임용과 候補制", 동양사학연구, 90(90), pp.39~68 (2005), 동양사학회
- 최지희, "明代 徽州 商人의 전당 운영 배경과 분포의 특징", 역사학연구, 39(39), pp.120~147 (2010), 호남사학회
- 황지영, "명말청초 과거수험용 서적의 상업출판과 전파", 박사, pp.2007
- 홍성구, "명청시대 휘주의 향촌조직과 종족의 관계에 관한 연구", 박사, pp.2003