POLITICAL CHANGES IN NORTH KOREA: WHAT IS IT, WHAT HAS HAPPENED AND WHAT TO EXPECT?
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Nowadays, almost nobody maintains serious doubts about North Korea’s changes in the economy and society during the 1990s. The question is, what are their impacts on North Korea’s politics during the 1990s and the future, and vice versa. In order to answer, chapter II suggests analytical propositions for analyzing political changes in North Korea. They could be investigated; firstly, as changes in three-way relations among the top leadership, middle level officials, and the masses; secondly, as progress from forced unity to differentiation in mutual relations among politics, economy, and society; and thirdly, as being initiated by the top leadership, and/or social protest, or without subject (i.e. through simple systemic decay). Chapter III confirms that North Korea’s changes through systemic decay in the 1990s increased the apolitical autonomy of the economy and society, and changed power relations among the center, middle officials, and the masses, and that the leadership attempted to come to terms with them through various ways, including the July measures in 2002. Chapter IV focuses on the necessities of political reforms of de-Stalinization and of establishing reciprocal relations between the regime and society as preconditions for further progress and the success of economic reform and opening. It also investigates a range of possibilities for realizing the necessary political reforms, depending on the one hand, the dynamics of changing internal power relations, and on the other, North Korea’s and its Leader’s fortune during and after the nuclear crisis.
Abstract
Nowadays, almost nobody maintains serious doubts about North Korea’s changes in the economy and society during the 1990s. The question is, what are their impacts on North Korea’s politics during the 1990s and the future, and vice versa. In order to answer, chapter II suggests analytical propositions for analyzing political changes in North Korea. They could be investigated; firstly, as changes in three-way relations among the top leadership, middle level officials, and the masses; secondly, as progress from forced unity to differentiation in mutual relations among politics, economy, and society; and thirdly, as being initiated by the top leadership, and/or social protest, or without subject (i.e. through simple systemic decay). Chapter III confirms that North Korea’s changes through systemic decay in the 1990s increased the apolitical autonomy of the economy and society, and changed power relations among the center, middle officials, and the masses, and that the leadership attempted to come to terms with them through various ways, including the July measures in 2002. Chapter IV focuses on the necessities of political reforms of de-Stalinization and of establishing reciprocal relations between the regime and society as preconditions for further progress and the success of economic reform and opening. It also investigates a range of possibilities for realizing the necessary political reforms, depending on the one hand, the dynamics of changing internal power relations, and on the other, North Korea’s and its Leader’s fortune during and after the nuclear crisis.