China and the Korean Peninsula: A Chinese View on the North Korean Nuclear Issue
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History and geography have combined to make the Korean peninsula important to China’s security. This importance lies not only in the fact that the peninsula shares a long border with China’s industrial heartland in the northeastern part of China, but it also stems from the convergence- and often the clash-of the interests of Russia, Japan, and the United States in Korea. For the last century, Korea has served as an object, or an area of conflict and an invasion corridor for these three powerful states. The Chinese were involved in the Korean War from 1950-1953, supporting North Korea after the United States intervened on behalf of South Korea. This, together with the close ties between the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the Korean Workers Party, led by Kim Il Sung and his son Kim Jong Il (links which can be traced back to the 1930s), has reinforced the importance of Korea in China’s policy calculations. The recent development of a North Korean nuclear program has introduced elements of unpredictability and somewhat of a dilemma into the foreign policy concerns of the Beijing leadership. Uncomfortable with Pyongyang’s nuclear program, China joined the United States and other neighboring countries in their efforts to stop the North Korean nuclear weapons program. Yet, the detonation of a North Korean nuclear device on October 9, 2006 has put the relationship between China and North Korea to a serious test, as Beijing publicly registered its opposition to North Korean actions. At the time, people became pessimistic about the future denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. This pessimism was somewhat dissipated when the United States and North Korea suddenly hammered out an agreement to freeze Pyongyang’s nuclear program on February 13, 2007 in Beijing. According to this agreement, North Korea will receive fuel oil, economic assistance, and humanitarian aid in return for shutting down and sealing its nuclear facilities within 60 days. However, when no action was taken by the North Korean authorities by the time the April 14 deadline passed, people began to question the sincerity of North Korea in implementing their side of the agreement. What then, are the prospects for the denuclearization of the peninsula? What are China’s interests in this issue and in the region in general? How much can Beijing do to push for a nonproliferation of North Korean nuclear technology? The purpose of this essay is to answer these questions by examining the development of the North Korean nuclear issue and the implications of this issue for Chinese interests, as well as to review Chinese policy towards the Korean peninsula more generally. This paper argues that although there are many uncertainties on the path towards denuclearizing the peninsula, there is still hope because the recent pact signed on February 13 represents an important step towards realizing that goal.
Abstract
History and geography have combined to make the Korean peninsula important to China’s security. This importance lies not only in the fact that the peninsula shares a long border with China’s industrial heartland in the northeastern part of China, but it also stems from the convergence- and often the clash-of the interests of Russia, Japan, and the United States in Korea. For the last century, Korea has served as an object, or an area of conflict and an invasion corridor for these three powerful states. The Chinese were involved in the Korean War from 1950-1953, supporting North Korea after the United States intervened on behalf of South Korea. This, together with the close ties between the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the Korean Workers Party, led by Kim Il Sung and his son Kim Jong Il (links which can be traced back to the 1930s), has reinforced the importance of Korea in China’s policy calculations. The recent development of a North Korean nuclear program has introduced elements of unpredictability and somewhat of a dilemma into the foreign policy concerns of the Beijing leadership. Uncomfortable with Pyongyang’s nuclear program, China joined the United States and other neighboring countries in their efforts to stop the North Korean nuclear weapons program. Yet, the detonation of a North Korean nuclear device on October 9, 2006 has put the relationship between China and North Korea to a serious test, as Beijing publicly registered its opposition to North Korean actions. At the time, people became pessimistic about the future denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. This pessimism was somewhat dissipated when the United States and North Korea suddenly hammered out an agreement to freeze Pyongyang’s nuclear program on February 13, 2007 in Beijing. According to this agreement, North Korea will receive fuel oil, economic assistance, and humanitarian aid in return for shutting down and sealing its nuclear facilities within 60 days. However, when no action was taken by the North Korean authorities by the time the April 14 deadline passed, people began to question the sincerity of North Korea in implementing their side of the agreement. What then, are the prospects for the denuclearization of the peninsula? What are China’s interests in this issue and in the region in general? How much can Beijing do to push for a nonproliferation of North Korean nuclear technology? The purpose of this essay is to answer these questions by examining the development of the North Korean nuclear issue and the implications of this issue for Chinese interests, as well as to review Chinese policy towards the Korean peninsula more generally. This paper argues that although there are many uncertainties on the path towards denuclearizing the peninsula, there is still hope because the recent pact signed on February 13 represents an important step towards realizing that goal.