근대국어의 주어성 ‘NP로셔’ 구문에 대하여

Abstract

The aim of this paper is to examine the subjectival ‘NP ro-syeo’ construc -tion in Modern Korean. The following topics were discussed. In chapter 2, I demonstrated examples of a subjectival construction ‘NP ro-syeo(로셔)’ from historical data and investigated its distribution in different centuries. I also argued that considering its high frequency in the documents originally written in hangul such as diaries and letters it is hardy possible for a subjectival construction ‘NP ro-syeo(로셔)’ to be a byproduct of translation process. In chapter 3, I established that the ‘NP’ in subjectival ‘NP ro-syeo(로셔)’ constructions can be subdivided into ‘group nouns’, ‘place nouns’ among which the latter one proved to be frequently used. Notably the meaning of these two subcategories can be extended beyond a simple ‘group’ or ‘place’ and signify ‘somebody belonging to a certain group or a place’. As for the predicates appearing with a subjectival ‘NP ro-syeo(로셔)’ similarity can be observed with ‘Group Noun + eseo(에서)’ construction in Contemporary Korean as in both cases predicates tent to appear as transitive verbs. In chapter 4, I provided the evidence that ‘ro-syeo(로셔)’ in subjectival ‘NP ro-syeo(로셔)’ construction was also used as an ablative case marker based on it’s resemblence to the ablative case indicating forms in other languages, namely Japanese ‘より’, Manchurian ‘ci’, and Chinese ‘自’. All things considered, it seems reasonable to assume that the acquisition of subjecthood by ‘NP ro-syeo(로셔)’ construction falls within the universal tendency for ‘starting point’ to be reanalyzed as ‘agent’ which can as well be observed in the case of ablative case particles ‘ei-syeo(에셔), gui-syeo(셔), ei-kesyeo(에게셔)’ being used to indicate a subject.