초점 보조사 ‘까지’의 역할: 화용적 척도와 영역 확장
An Analysis of the Scalar Focus Operator kkaci ‘even; up to’ in Korean: A Scale on Pragmatic Strength and Widened Domain
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In this paper, we investigate the semantico-pragmatic role of the scalar focus operator kkaci ‘even; up to’ in Korean. Thus far, kkaci has been analyzed as equivalent to even in English expressing the least likelihood proposition from the set of alternatives. Given a set of empirical data, however, we identify kkaci as another subtype of a scalar focus operator. Our proposal comprises two main parts: First, remaining the core properties of the scalar focus operator even, the scale of kkaci interacts with the scales of ‘pragmatic strength’. In the pragmatic scale, the prejacent of kkaci is stronger than all alternatives in C and makes the pragmatically strongest statement. From the pragmatic view, accordingly, all other alternative propositions would be taken for granted. Second, for the set of alternatives of kkaci under considerations, they are not in the common ground (consisting of actual worlds) but in the context set (consisting of the candidates for the actual world, i.e. speaker’s doxastic worlds). Depending on the situation of utterance, the domain of alternatives can be restricted into the relevant subset or widened into the outlandish worlds. The current analysis thus suggests an extended spectrum of kkaci in Korean to the novel subtype of scalar focus operators.
Abstract
In this paper, we investigate the semantico-pragmatic role of the scalar focus operator kkaci ‘even; up to’ in Korean. Thus far, kkaci has been analyzed as equivalent to even in English expressing the least likelihood proposition from the set of alternatives. Given a set of empirical data, however, we identify kkaci as another subtype of a scalar focus operator. Our proposal comprises two main parts: First, remaining the core properties of the scalar focus operator even, the scale of kkaci interacts with the scales of ‘pragmatic strength’. In the pragmatic scale, the prejacent of kkaci is stronger than all alternatives in C and makes the pragmatically strongest statement. From the pragmatic view, accordingly, all other alternative propositions would be taken for granted. Second, for the set of alternatives of kkaci under considerations, they are not in the common ground (consisting of actual worlds) but in the context set (consisting of the candidates for the actual world, i.e. speaker’s doxastic worlds). Depending on the situation of utterance, the domain of alternatives can be restricted into the relevant subset or widened into the outlandish worlds. The current analysis thus suggests an extended spectrum of kkaci in Korean to the novel subtype of scalar focus operators.
참고문헌 (33)
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