Inherently Negative Predicates and NPI-licensing via Movement
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Choe, Hyon Sook. 2018. Inherently Negative Predicates and NPI-licensing via Movement. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 43-4, 843-869. In this paper, I discuss how Korean inherently negative predicates (INPs) license NPIs, which should be licensed strictly by negative elements (strict NPIs; see also H. Lee 1996). Suggesting that INPs can come with NPIs because they are selected by the null head that can license NPIs just as long-form (LF) negation can (a modified version of Chung (2006)'s suggestion), I attempt to explain or derive two properties of NPI licensing in Korean: (A) the lack of subject-object asymmetry and (B) the observance of a clause-mate/locality requirement. To explain (A), I entertain a head-raising approach, where Neg, covert or overt, is raised up to C. To derive (B) as well as the fact that NPIs are licensed under c-command, I also entertain a movement approach where the Spec of Polarity Phrase (PolP) functions as an "escape hatch" so that NPIs may move to the Spec of PolP across TP, but not CP, a phase, (and ultimately move to the Spec of the complex C projection containing NegP to be properly licensed). The present view suggests that Korean NPI-licensing is strictly a syntactic matter, unlike English NPI-licensing that differs from it in many respects. (Yeungnam University)
Abstract
Choe, Hyon Sook. 2018. Inherently Negative Predicates and NPI-licensing via Movement. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 43-4, 843-869. In this paper, I discuss how Korean inherently negative predicates (INPs) license NPIs, which should be licensed strictly by negative elements (strict NPIs; see also H. Lee 1996). Suggesting that INPs can come with NPIs because they are selected by the null head that can license NPIs just as long-form (LF) negation can (a modified version of Chung (2006)'s suggestion), I attempt to explain or derive two properties of NPI licensing in Korean: (A) the lack of subject-object asymmetry and (B) the observance of a clause-mate/locality requirement. To explain (A), I entertain a head-raising approach, where Neg, covert or overt, is raised up to C. To derive (B) as well as the fact that NPIs are licensed under c-command, I also entertain a movement approach where the Spec of Polarity Phrase (PolP) functions as an "escape hatch" so that NPIs may move to the Spec of PolP across TP, but not CP, a phase, (and ultimately move to the Spec of the complex C projection containing NegP to be properly licensed). The present view suggests that Korean NPI-licensing is strictly a syntactic matter, unlike English NPI-licensing that differs from it in many respects. (Yeungnam University)
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