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An Experimental Investigation of Parallelism Conditions on Right Peripheral Ellipsis in Korean

박상희|김정수
한국언어학회 (The Linguistic Society of Korea)|2021.03|언어 (Korean Journal of Linguistics)|제46권 제1호|pp. 79-106|DOI 10.18855/lisoko.2021.46.1.004

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참고문헌

키워드

coordinationscramblingparallelismcase alternationright peripheral ellipsisword order/case mismatches
주제분류언어학

초록

This study presents experimental results on parallelism conditions between the remnants and their correlates in Right Peripheral Ellipsis (RPE) in Korean. Using acceptability judgment tasks, we tested whether and to what extent case and word order mismatches affect acceptability of RPE sentences. Results show that violations of parallelism due to case and word order mismatches lower acceptability of RPE sentences in a similar manner and that these violation effects are gradient rather than binary (Experiment 1). Results also show that, overall, RPE sentences are judged as less acceptable than their full coordination counterparts, but this acceptability contrast was significantly greater in the context of parallelism violation, indicating that RPE sentences are more sensitive to parallelism than full coordination sentences (Experiment 2). Taken together, these results provide evidence against the general ‘binary view’ held in previous research on RPE, which predicts either complete acceptability or complete unacceptability in case of parallelism violation. The marginality and cumulativity of parallelism violations suggest that parallelism in RPE is a gradient phenomenon and is better accounted for in terms of ‘soft’ constraints than formal constraints.

Abstract

This study presents experimental results on parallelism conditions between the remnants and their correlates in Right Peripheral Ellipsis (RPE) in Korean. Using acceptability judgment tasks, we tested whether and to what extent case and word order mismatches affect acceptability of RPE sentences. Results show that violations of parallelism due to case and word order mismatches lower acceptability of RPE sentences in a similar manner and that these violation effects are gradient rather than binary (Experiment 1). Results also show that, overall, RPE sentences are judged as less acceptable than their full coordination counterparts, but this acceptability contrast was significantly greater in the context of parallelism violation, indicating that RPE sentences are more sensitive to parallelism than full coordination sentences (Experiment 2). Taken together, these results provide evidence against the general ‘binary view’ held in previous research on RPE, which predicts either complete acceptability or complete unacceptability in case of parallelism violation. The marginality and cumulativity of parallelism violations suggest that parallelism in RPE is a gradient phenomenon and is better accounted for in terms of ‘soft’ constraints than formal constraints.

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