일본어에 있어 영어 차용어의 모음삽입 -최적성이론에 의한 분석-
Vowel Epenthesis in Japanese Loanwords from English -An Optimality-Theoretic Analysis-
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The objective of this study is to explain vowel epenthesis in Japanese loanwords from English. Analysis is performed in the frame work of the Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2002). Solutions for the two unsolved problems until now are proposed in this paper. While the [u] epenthesis occurs after alveolo-palatal fricatives, the [i] epenthesis occurs after alveolo- palatal affricates in Japanese loanwords from English. According to Ladefoged's assertion (1993) that English /ʃ/ is strongly labialized, Max(labial) is adopted as a crucial constraint. And the asymmetry between palatal fricative and affricate is explained in this paper by a method that ranks Max(labial) on the higher level than Palatal-front. Although the epenthetic vowel [u] after [t] is prohibited because of the *TU constraint, the [tu] existed in the source language is permitted in recently-adapted loanwords. This “grandfather effect” is taken into account by ranking constraints such as 〚Ident(manner) ≫ *TU ≫ *[-high] ≫ *[-back], *[+low]〛. The markedness constraint *TU has been demoted below the faithfulness constraint Ident(manner) in recently- adapted loanwords. The [tu] inherited from the source language is thus permitted. However, since *TU is more highly ranked than other markedness constraints *[-high], *[-back], *[+low], the epenthetic vowel [u] after [t] can not be permitted.
Abstract
The objective of this study is to explain vowel epenthesis in Japanese loanwords from English. Analysis is performed in the frame work of the Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2002). Solutions for the two unsolved problems until now are proposed in this paper. While the [u] epenthesis occurs after alveolo-palatal fricatives, the [i] epenthesis occurs after alveolo- palatal affricates in Japanese loanwords from English. According to Ladefoged's assertion (1993) that English /ʃ/ is strongly labialized, Max(labial) is adopted as a crucial constraint. And the asymmetry between palatal fricative and affricate is explained in this paper by a method that ranks Max(labial) on the higher level than Palatal-front. Although the epenthetic vowel [u] after [t] is prohibited because of the *TU constraint, the [tu] existed in the source language is permitted in recently-adapted loanwords. This “grandfather effect” is taken into account by ranking constraints such as 〚Ident(manner) ≫ *TU ≫ *[-high] ≫ *[-back], *[+low]〛. The markedness constraint *TU has been demoted below the faithfulness constraint Ident(manner) in recently- adapted loanwords. The [tu] inherited from the source language is thus permitted. However, since *TU is more highly ranked than other markedness constraints *[-high], *[-back], *[+low], the epenthetic vowel [u] after [t] can not be permitted.
참고문헌 (17)
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