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Three Notes on Subjectless Clefts in Korean

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This paper investigates what we call fragment or remnant constructions in Korean. We first examine whether it is appropriate to classify them into two sub-types, namely matrix and embedded remnant constructions. On the presence and absence of a copular verb occurring right after a remnant expression we argue that there is no good reason in distinguishing the two sub-types. Second, we note that a negative polarity item in Korean can be realized alone as a matrix remnant, but not as a embedded one. We account for this fact by adopting Boskovič's (2000) idea that a certain functional element like negation can be inserted innocuously at the top of the tree at a relevant point of derivation where an NPI undergoes interpretation. Third, we note that there is a distinction between information- and contrast- focused remnants in terms of retention of a postposition attached to them. We attribute this distinction between them to the referential properties of overt and covert subject of the constructions at issue.

Abstract

This paper investigates what we call fragment or remnant constructions in Korean. We first examine whether it is appropriate to classify them into two sub-types, namely matrix and embedded remnant constructions. On the presence and absence of a copular verb occurring right after a remnant expression we argue that there is no good reason in distinguishing the two sub-types. Second, we note that a negative polarity item in Korean can be realized alone as a matrix remnant, but not as a embedded one. We account for this fact by adopting Boskovič's (2000) idea that a certain functional element like negation can be inserted innocuously at the top of the tree at a relevant point of derivation where an NPI undergoes interpretation. Third, we note that there is a distinction between information- and contrast- focused remnants in terms of retention of a postposition attached to them. We attribute this distinction between them to the referential properties of overt and covert subject of the constructions at issue.

참고문헌 (15)

  1. Boskovič, Želiko, "Sometimes in SpecCP, sometimes in situ. in: Step by Step: Essays in Honor of Howard Lasnik", pp.53~87 (2000), MIT Press
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  3. Chomsky, Noam. in: Formal Syntax, "On Wh-Movement", pp.232~286 (1977), Holt, Rinehart and Winston
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  5. Hasegawa, Nobuko, "The EPP materialized first, Agree Later: Wh-questions, subjects and mo ‘also’-phrases", Scientific Approaches to Language, 4, pp.33~80 (2005), Center for Language Sciences, Kanda University of International Studies
  6. Kim, Jeong-Seok, "Syntactic movement and ellipsis: A minimalist approach", 박사, pp.1997
  7. Koopman, Hilda, "The spec-head configuration. in: Syntax at Sunset", pp.37~64 (1996), UCLA Dept of Linguistics
  8. Lasnik, H, "When can you save a structure by destroying it?", Proceedings of the North Eastern Linguistic Society 31, 통권 : 2, pp.301~320 (2001), GLSA
  9. Lasnik, Howard, (2005), Handout for a course at LSA. Summer Institute. MIT
  10. Merchant, Jason, "The syntax of silence" (2001), Oxford University Press
  11. Merchant, Jason, "Fragments and ellipsis", Linguistics and Philosophy, 27(6), pp.661~738 (2004)
  12. Nishiyama, Kunio, "Syntactic movement of overt wh-phrases in Japanese and Korean", Japanese, 1996, pp.5, 337~351
  13. Park, Bum-Sik, "Island-insensitivity fragment answers in Korean", WCCFL 24, pp.4~ (2004)
  14. Park,Myung-Kwan, "Subject-less Clefts in Korean : Towards a Deletion Analysis", 어학연구, 37(4), pp.715~739 (2001), 언어교육원
  15. 손근원, "Kes-clefts, Connectedness Effects, and the Implications Thereof*", 생성문법연구, 14(4), pp.561~571 (2004), 한국생성문법학회

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