기본소득, 지구화와 이주
Basic Income, Globalization and Migration
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조건 없는 기본소득은 얼마나 바람직한 것인가? 그것을 실현하는 것은 가능한가? 이러한 주제들에 대한 논의의 대부분은 상당히 자급도가 높은 국민국가들의 체제에서만 진행되어왔다. 이러한 논의는 1920년대 영국, 1960년대 미국 그리고 1980년대의 유럽에서 일어난 짧은 논의들의 경우와 같이, 많은 의미들을 만들어 왔을지도 모른다. 그러나 이전의 경우와 달리 자본과 상품, 사람들과 발상들이 국경을 가로지른다고 언급되는 시대인 지구화의 시대 즉 21세기에 어떻게 이전의 것들이 의미가 통할 수 있을까? 이와 같은 새로운 맥락에서, 기본소득에 대한 전망들은 이전과 크게 바뀌지는 않았는가? 진정 그러한 전망들이 급격히 퇴색되지는 않은 것인가?현재의 상황에서 한 발 앞으로 나아가기 위해, 여러 방식을 동시에 추구할 수 있고, 또 그래야만 한다. 세계적인 차원의(worldwide) 기본소득에 닮기 시작하는 것들로(여기서는 지구온난화를 둘러싼 공정한 협정의 맥락이 가장 유망하다) 나아가기 위해 어떤 기회든 놓치지 말아야 한다. 비록 지리적으로 한정되어 있음에도 불구하고, 초국가적인(supra-national) 기본소득에 가까운 것(여기에는 유럽연합 차원이 가장 유망하다)으로 나아가기 위해 어떤 기회든 놓치지 말아야 한다. 그리고 국가적 차원에서 여지가 있는 곳이라면 어디든, 여기서 주장한 바와 같이 그리고 다른 곳에서 주장한 바와 같이, 현존하는 복지국가를 개혁해 그것들을 그 핵심에서 보편적이며 무조건적인 개인의 기본소득으로 통합할 수 있는 풍부한 공간이 있는 법이다.
Abstract
How (un)desirable is an unconditional basic income? How (un)feasible is it? Most of the discussion on these issues has been conducted in the framework of fairly self-contained nation-states. This may have made a lot of sense in the case of the brief British debate in the 1920s, in the case of the hardly less brief US debate in the late 1960s, perhaps even in the case of the European debates that started in the 1980s. But how could it possibly make any sense in the XXIst century, in the era of globalization, in an era in which capital and goods, people and ideas are said to cross national borders as they have never done before? In this new context, are the prospects for a basic income not deeply altered. Indeed, have they not dramatically worsened?In order to move forward under current circumstances, one can and must tread several paths simultaneously. Every opportunity must be seized to move towards something that starts resembling a worldwide basic income, most promisingly in the context of groping for a fair deal on global warming. Every opportunity must be seized to move towards something that starts resembling a supra-national, though still geographically limited, basic income, most promisingly at the level of the European Union. And wherever sufficient leeway has been kept at the national level, there is also still ample room — as argued here — and many good reasons — as argued elsewhere — to reform existing welfare states so that they incorporate at their very core a universal and unconditional individual basic income.
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