Notes on Coordinate Structure Constraint based on Form Sequence
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In this paper, we will consider the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC) from an explanatory syntactic perspective and propose a new analysis within the Form Sequence (FSQ) framework in Chomsky (2021). This paper will suggest that CSC can be reinterpreted as a condition applying to sequences rather than to sets: when coordination forms a sequence via FSQ, movement across conjunct boundaries is prohibited, as show in CSC effects. When coordination forms a set via Set-MERGE, as in temporal, causal, or adversative coordination, CSC does not apply, as shown in CSC-exceptional effects. By integrating FSQ with CSC, this paper will show that the same unified mechanism can explain Adjunct Condition and Parasitic Gap constructions. Both patterns arise from the FSQ-based coordination: extraction from an adjunct or a single conjunct violates CSC, whereas Across-the-Board (ATB) pattern satisfies it. Given this, we will argue that the FSQ-based CSC analysis provides a principled account of multiple syntactic phenomena traditionally treated as unnatural constraints.
Abstract
In this paper, we will consider the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC) from an explanatory syntactic perspective and propose a new analysis within the Form Sequence (FSQ) framework in Chomsky (2021). This paper will suggest that CSC can be reinterpreted as a condition applying to sequences rather than to sets: when coordination forms a sequence via FSQ, movement across conjunct boundaries is prohibited, as show in CSC effects. When coordination forms a set via Set-MERGE, as in temporal, causal, or adversative coordination, CSC does not apply, as shown in CSC-exceptional effects. By integrating FSQ with CSC, this paper will show that the same unified mechanism can explain Adjunct Condition and Parasitic Gap constructions. Both patterns arise from the FSQ-based coordination: extraction from an adjunct or a single conjunct violates CSC, whereas Across-the-Board (ATB) pattern satisfies it. Given this, we will argue that the FSQ-based CSC analysis provides a principled account of multiple syntactic phenomena traditionally treated as unnatural constraints.
