Maximal and Non-maximal Distributivity
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A predicate occurring with a plural carries a D operator to distribute a predicate reading for each plural denotation. The application of the D operator results in a maximal reading in that for every individual in the plural denotation, the predicate is asserted. Maximality is not true for sentences with all. Hence, this study shows when sentences with plurals have non-maximal interpretations and why they occur as well as why a quantificational phrase with all has the cancelling effect of non-maximality. To accomplish this, a cover-based analysis by Brisson (2003) and a group-based analysis by Winter (2002) are reviewed. Although these two analyses provide accounts for maximal and non-maximal readings, both of them have theory-internal or external problems. This study approaches the questions in terms of interpretation domain. That is an interpretation domain may be divided into two structures, one for discrete entities and the other for dense entities. These two structures are interrelated with a mapping homomorphism. Maximal readings occur when definite plurals are construed in a discrete structure. On the other hand, interpretations in the dense structure lead to non-maximal readings of plurals. In contrast with the ambiguity of definite plurals, quantificational phrases with all cannot denote sums and thus do not produce non-maximal readings. Furthermore, the interpretation domain for all is determined by the plurality of its argument. As a domain restrictor, all provides a unified argument for diverse categories of arguments such as collection terms and count terms for spatial readings.
Abstract
A predicate occurring with a plural carries a D operator to distribute a predicate reading for each plural denotation. The application of the D operator results in a maximal reading in that for every individual in the plural denotation, the predicate is asserted. Maximality is not true for sentences with all. Hence, this study shows when sentences with plurals have non-maximal interpretations and why they occur as well as why a quantificational phrase with all has the cancelling effect of non-maximality. To accomplish this, a cover-based analysis by Brisson (2003) and a group-based analysis by Winter (2002) are reviewed. Although these two analyses provide accounts for maximal and non-maximal readings, both of them have theory-internal or external problems. This study approaches the questions in terms of interpretation domain. That is an interpretation domain may be divided into two structures, one for discrete entities and the other for dense entities. These two structures are interrelated with a mapping homomorphism. Maximal readings occur when definite plurals are construed in a discrete structure. On the other hand, interpretations in the dense structure lead to non-maximal readings of plurals. In contrast with the ambiguity of definite plurals, quantificational phrases with all cannot denote sums and thus do not produce non-maximal readings. Furthermore, the interpretation domain for all is determined by the plurality of its argument. As a domain restrictor, all provides a unified argument for diverse categories of arguments such as collection terms and count terms for spatial readings.
참고문헌 (21)
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