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Scrambling and Quantifiers : An Agreement-based Analysis

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The main goal of this paper is to provide an agreement-based analysis of scrambling that occurs with quantifiers. This paper argues that the probe-goal agreement analysis has advantages over the traditional Binding Theory. With respect to clause-internal scrambling, after QR, an operator c-commands its bindee at LF and it allows reconstruction. In the case of clause-external scrambling, a QP does not c-command its bindee at PF and after QR, an operator c-commands its bindee at LF. In addition, clause-external scrambling allows reconstruction. With regard to clausal scrambling, a QP does not c-command its bindee at PF and after QR, an operator c-commands its bindee at LF. In addition, clausal scrambling allows reconstruction. In this paper, the possibility of eliminating reconstruction in A’-binding has been explored. In order to eliminate reconstruction, we propose the A’-binding principle that an anaphor A or a pronoun P is licensed by an operator O only if the operator O or its trace c-commands A or P at LF. There are tangible reasons to argue for this claim

Abstract

The main goal of this paper is to provide an agreement-based analysis of scrambling that occurs with quantifiers. This paper argues that the probe-goal agreement analysis has advantages over the traditional Binding Theory. With respect to clause-internal scrambling, after QR, an operator c-commands its bindee at LF and it allows reconstruction. In the case of clause-external scrambling, a QP does not c-command its bindee at PF and after QR, an operator c-commands its bindee at LF. In addition, clause-external scrambling allows reconstruction. With regard to clausal scrambling, a QP does not c-command its bindee at PF and after QR, an operator c-commands its bindee at LF. In addition, clausal scrambling allows reconstruction. In this paper, the possibility of eliminating reconstruction in A’-binding has been explored. In order to eliminate reconstruction, we propose the A’-binding principle that an anaphor A or a pronoun P is licensed by an operator O only if the operator O or its trace c-commands A or P at LF. There are tangible reasons to argue for this claim

참고문헌 (16)

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  13. 권기양, "Notes on the MERGE-Based System", 새한영어영문학, 61(3), pp.131~153 (2019), 새한영어영문학회[DOI]
  14. Lebeaux, D, "Relative Clauses, Licensing, and the Nature of Derivation", NELS, 20(2), pp.318~332 (1990)
  15. May, R, "Logical Form" (1985), MIT Press
  16. Ueyama, A., "Two Types of Dependency", Doctor, pp.1998

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