Resurrecting Sluicing from Clefting
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In this paper I argue for the sluicing analysis involving Move & Delete in dealing with Korean sluicing constructions and argue against the cleft/copular analysis with critical reviews. I propose unprecedented ways to make the sluicing analysis complete: (i) the absence of the expected overt Case marker on the embedded sluiced material is attributed to suppression of morphological Case realization before the bound morpheme, (ii) the nature of the copular-like element -i- attached to the sluiced remnant is not either a copular or an expletive verb, its appearance being contingent on syntactic, morpho-phonological environment. I also newly discuss postverbal sluicing in Korean and confirm the sluicing analysis. The discussion requires a different conception of the phrase structure in Korean: Korean is underlyingly head-initial in supportive of Kayne's (1994, 2011) universal Specifier-head-complement order hypothesis.
Abstract
In this paper I argue for the sluicing analysis involving Move & Delete in dealing with Korean sluicing constructions and argue against the cleft/copular analysis with critical reviews. I propose unprecedented ways to make the sluicing analysis complete: (i) the absence of the expected overt Case marker on the embedded sluiced material is attributed to suppression of morphological Case realization before the bound morpheme, (ii) the nature of the copular-like element -i- attached to the sluiced remnant is not either a copular or an expletive verb, its appearance being contingent on syntactic, morpho-phonological environment. I also newly discuss postverbal sluicing in Korean and confirm the sluicing analysis. The discussion requires a different conception of the phrase structure in Korean: Korean is underlyingly head-initial in supportive of Kayne's (1994, 2011) universal Specifier-head-complement order hypothesis.
참고문헌 (32)
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